tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-369138432024-02-06T22:02:14.884-05:00American Non-Governmental Organizations Coalition for the International Criminal CourtAdvocating full U.S. support for the International Criminal Court. A Program of the Columbia University Institute for the Study of Human Rights.AMICC Secretariathttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06071089967925594515noreply@blogger.comBlogger417125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-73122733859934968572018-08-29T13:39:00.000-04:002018-08-29T13:39:49.223-04:00ICC Probe into Israeli-Palestinian Situation<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">As time drags on, Palestinian leaders and citizens become ever more eager to secure a formal investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague into alleged Israeli crimes against Palestinians. Thus, in May of this year the Palestinian Authority (PA) formally referred its situation to the Court, hoping that this would speed up the ICC prosecutor’s decision on an investigation. Before the referral, Palestine had become a member state of the Court. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">This status gives the Court jurisdiction to possibly try Israeli government and military officials for crimes they have committed on the territory of Palestine even though Israel is not a member of the ICC.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">The referral by the PA accuses Israel of committing crimes under the jurisdiction of the Court, such as: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the ‘displacement and replacement’ of one population for another. The latter crime appears to be Palestine’s strongest case, given that the settlements are a well-documented Israeli government policy. Settlements have been specifically denounced by the international community, specifically through UN Security Council resolutions such as the most recent one, Resolution 2334, adopted in 2016. Yet, to this day, more than 600,000 Israelis have settled in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, with more on the way and no signs that this policy will be abated. Aside from the Israeli settlement policy, the Palestinian referral details Israeli crimes regarding thousands of Palestinians killed over the past three attacks on Gaza and most recently in protests through Israel’s excessive use of force. However, the prosecutor’s mandate is to investigate crimes committed on both sides of a situation. Thus, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) will simultaneously and equally look into alleged crimes committed against Israelis by Palestinians. For their part, Israel accuses (although not yet formally) the Gazan militant group Hamas as well as Palestinian leaders of vigorously conducting attacks that continuously endanger Israeli civilians. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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However, Palestinians have waited more than a few months hoping that the OTP will decide to open a formal investigation. The Court’s chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, first opened a preliminary examination into the Israeli-Palestine situation back in January 2015, when Palestine became an official State Party to the ICC, thus enhancing the Court’s jurisdiction. Since then, Palestinian government representatives have presented the OTP with a slew of documents suggesting Israeli officials are liable for systematic criminal policies that include apartheid and the mass killings of unarmed protesters in Gaza. The Prosecutor has had more difficulty in obtaining trial-worthy evidence of Palestinian crimes.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Meanwhile, in what may be an indication that the Court senses that a decision of the Prosecutor is nearing, the Court’s Pre Trial Chamber has ordered the Registry to establish and implement a “system for public information and outreach activities for the benefit of the victims and affected communities in the situation in Palestine.” This order unfortunately conveys the erroneous message—one that Israel will use to further its argument that the Court is biased against it—that victims are solely Palestinian. Therefore, it would behoove the Court to clarify this statement to include victims in Israel as well. However as tensions rise between both sides, and this case becomes even more politically contested, the Prosecutor’s decision on an investigation has becomes ever more difficult.<o:p></o:p></div>
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AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-79137296050586797222018-08-22T12:55:00.000-04:002018-08-22T12:55:14.272-04:00Kofi Annan, the US and the International Criminal CourtKofi Annan, former Secretary General of the United Nations, died on Saturday. The many who mourn him worldwide will remember this soft spoken,quietly determined and subtly skillful man with his great intelligence and enormous resolve. Most will also remember his importance to values, issues or causes of their own.<br />
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I also mourn in general and also remember him for his large and central role in the making, over American opposition, of a free, fair and independent International Criminal Court (ICC,Court) - a court as strong as any international organization can be. We who advocate for the Court in the United States must contend with this opposition. We would not have it otherwise. The Court he did so much to bring into being is the Court we want.<br />
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Annan's speeches from the beginning of the negotiations for the Rome Statute, and of encouragement and inspiration as they continued, were consistently clear and pointed. They were boldly stated in the awareness that the vision in them of an independent ICC would arouse the opposition, often intense, of some of the permanent members of the UN Security Council. He drew this vision from his own and the United Nations' experience with war crimes.<br />
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Annan's representative in the negotiations was his Under Secretary for Legal Affairs, Hans Corell. The story goes that as the end date for the negotiations approached, Annan was on an official visit to Argentina. He had told Corell to let him know at once if the Statute was agreed so that he could rush to Rome for the closing ceremonies.Corell took a call from Annan in the meeting room just as intense and noisy rejoicing at the adoption of the Statute exploded: "Have we a Statute?" Corell simply held up his phone so that Annan could hear the outburst. The Secretary General headed for the airport.<br />
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Several players in the negotiations worked hard, skillfully and effectively to achieve an ICC free of any requirement that its member states should consent to the Court's jurisdiction over crimes on their territories or by their nationals.(The United States forced its delegation to vigorously press for this requirement). The players included a very large civil society group organized by the international NGO Coalition for the International Criminal Court,the Like-Minded Group of countries and individual nations. Although Annan's clearly and regularly stated position encouraged and reassured them, his most important contribution was to the role and stance of the UN team responsible for supporting and guiding the negotiations throughout their four years.<br />
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The team generally carried out the fundamental UN responsibility of being impartially open, responsive and helpful to all United Nations member states engaged in the negotiations. However, senior UN officials felt free to provide strategic advice and help to the officers of negotiating bodies in both New York and Rome to assist them to move toward the vision of the Court they shared with the Secretary General.<br />
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Thus, among the many memories of Annan that will persist is his central part in making the Court's jurisdiction over its original core crimes independent of the consent of its members. The legitimacy and authenticity this gives the Court will, with time and despite the opposition it has aroused, , sustain our advocacy for it in the United States.<br />
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<br />AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-49051382965418814812018-06-07T14:58:00.000-04:002018-06-07T15:00:31.349-04:00The Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar and Possible ICC Jurisdiction<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Since August 2017, Myanmar’s security forces have driven more than 670,000 Rohingyas to flee to neighboring Bangladesh, creating an enormous refugee crisis in the region. The forces allegedly committed “killings, rape, torture, enforced disappearance, … and the destruction and looting of hundreds of villages … intended to drive the Rohingya population out of Myanmar.” [1] The international community has documented and criticized the magnitude of the atrocities as well as the well-organized, systematic nature of the attacks. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights described the attacks as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”[2] In addition, the UN Special Rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar stated that the attacks “bear the hallmarks of a genocide.”[3] International non-governmental organizations such as <a href="https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/11/16/all-my-body-was-pain/sexual-violence-against-rohingya-women-and-girls-burma">Human Rights Watch</a>, <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/09/who-are-the-rohingya-and-why-are-they-fleeing-myanmar/">Amnesty International</a>, and <a href="http://www.msf.org/en/article/myanmarbangladesh-msf-surveys-estimate-least-6700-rohingya-were-killed-during-attacks"><i>Médecins Sans Frontières</i></a> have published credible and consistent reports on the atrocities. Media outlets such as <a href="http://fingfx.thomsonreuters.com/gfx/rngs/MYANMAR-ROHINGYA/010050XD232/index.html">Reuters</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OVb9U-ajuoA&t=108s">Al Jazeera</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=irQhr9DOfbg">BBC</a>, and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/02/world/asia/myanmar-rohingya-denial-history.html?mtrref=undefined&mtrref=www.nytimes.com&gwh=D0E0835AE431E895657FB3DB5BD4EAB7&gwt=pay">the New York Times</a> have widely covered the atrocities as well.<br /><br />At first glance, the International Criminal Court seems to lack jurisdiction over the alleged crimes because Myanmar is not a State Party to the Rome Statute. However, the ICC Prosecutor, Ms. Fatou Bensouda, argues that the Court may exercise jurisdiction over Myanmar’s alleged commission of <i>the crime of deportation</i> because “an essential legal element of the crime – crossing an international border – occurred on the territory of a state which <i>is</i> a party to the Rome Statute (Bangladesh).”[4] <br /><br />Specifically, Prosecutor Bensouda argues that both the nature of the crime of deportation and of the territorial jurisdiction provided in the Court’s Rome Statute allow it to exercise jurisdiction in this situation. First, the crime of deportation inherently requires a victim to cross an international border and enter a second, receiving country. Thus, she says an essential legal element of this cross-border crime is completed in that second state (Bangladesh). The Prosecutor compares the nature of the crime of deportation to that of cross-border shooting in that “the crime … is not completed until the bullet (fired in one State) strikes and kills the victim (standing in another State).”[5]<br /><br />Second, the Prosecutor argues that the Court may exercise jurisdiction because the Statute requires “at least one legal element of the crime to have occurred on the territory of a State Party.”[6] Thus, the Court may exercise jurisdiction on the crime of deportation <i>either</i> if the originating State is a State Party to the Court <i>or</i> if the receiving, second State is a State Party. Therefore, although Myanmar, the originating State, is not a State Party to the Court, Bangladesh, the receiving state, <i>is</i>, thus bringing the crime within the Court’s territorial jurisdiction. Based on this line of reasoning, the Prosecutor filed a request for a ruling on the question of territorial jurisdiction to the Court’s President of the Pre-Trial Division.<br /><br />A favorable ruling by the Pre-Trial Chamber would either allow the Prosecutor to initiate an independent preliminary examination or allow Bangladesh to refer the case to the Court. An unprecedented favorable ruling may have broader, resonating implications for future ICC cases. For example, as in the case of Myanmar and Bangladesh, Syria is not a State Party to the Court, but Jordan is, and the atrocities that have occurred in Syria has caused hundreds of thousands of Syrians to flee to Jordan. The Pre-Trial Court’s decision on the question of territorial jurisdiction in cross-border situations may open a door to investigating and prosecuting crimes allegedly committed by non-State Parties when an essential element of the crime is committed in the territory of a State Party.<br /><br /><span style="font-size: x-small;">Written by Amy Gina Kim</span><br />______________</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br />[1] Office of the Prosecutor, Prosecution’s Request for a Ruling on Jurisdiction under Article 19(3) of the Statute, April 9, 2018, ICC-RoC46(3)-01/18-1, 6, <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/record.aspx?docNo=ICC-RoC46(3)-01/18-1">https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/record.aspx?docNo=ICC-RoC46(3)-01/18-1</a> <br />[2] High Commissioner for Human Rights, Opening Statement to the 36th session of the Human Rights Council, September 11, 2011, <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=22044&LangID=E">http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=22044&LangID=E</a> <br />[3] Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, March 9, 2018, <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session37/Documents/A-HRC-37-70.docx">http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session37/Documents/A-HRC-37-70.docx</a> <br />[4] Office of the Prosecutor, Prosecution’s Request for a Ruling on Jurisdiction under Article 19(3) of the Statute, 3.<br />[5] Office of the Prosecutor, 14.<br />[6] Ibid.</span><br />
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AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-86232202950097088532018-04-27T11:02:00.000-04:002018-04-27T11:07:13.271-04:00Al Hassan Case at the ICC - Gender Crimes <div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.3800000000000001; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
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<span lang="EN" style="background: white; color: #333333; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Al Hassan Ag Abdoul Aziz Ag
Mohamed Ag Mahmoud ("Al Hassan"), a Malian national born on 19
September 1977, faced ICC charges of sexu</span><span lang="EN" style="background: white; color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">al and gender-based crimes. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">On 4 April 2018,</span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"> </span><span style="background: white; color: #333333;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">he made his first
appearance before the ICC after the Pre-trial Chamber issued the arrest warrant
for him on 27 March 2018. The confirmation of charges hearing was scheduled
provisionally for 24 September </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">2018. The case against AI Hassan was recorded
under the ICC Mali situation, which was referred by the government of Mali to
the IC</span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">C to investigate alleged crimes committed on the territory of Mali by its
nationals since January 2012. This is also the second case in Mali situat</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ion
after the case against Mr. AI Mahdi, who among a long list of charges was also
declared guilty of the war crime of attacking religious and historic buildings
in Timbuktu, Mali, in June and July 2012, and was sentenced 9 years’ of
imprisonment for his commission of crime. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="background: white; color: #333333; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">According to the arrest
warrant, Mr. Al Hassan is alleged to have been involved in the activities of
armed groups AI-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb ("AQIM") and Ansar
Eddine which took control of the city of Timbuktu. He is alleged to have
committed crimes and religious and gender-based persecution against the
civilian population in Timbuktu. Specifically, the Pre-Trial Chamber has
concluded that the evidence submitted by the Office of the Prosecutor is
sufficient enough to provide reasonable grounds to believe that Mr. AI Hassan
has committed crimes against humanity (torture, rape and sexual slavery;
persecution of the inhabitants of Timbuktu on religious and gender grounds; and
other inhumane acts) and war crimes (rape and sexual slavery; violence to
person and outrages upon personal dignity; and attacks intentionally directed
against buildings dedicated to religion and historic monument in Timbuktu,
Mali, between 2012 and 2013. He is further charged with arbitrary punishment of
civilians without trial in Timbuktu who broke the rules and prohibitions
imposed by those armed groups. These requirements affect all areas of public
life. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: #333333;">In particular, the case
against Mr. AI Hassan shows ICC’s commitment to prosecute sexual and
gender-based violence and to protect the interests of victims and witnesses of
such crimes, which is a very important subject to many Americans who feel
deeply about it. The Rome Statute is the first international treaty permanently
enforcing international law about various forms of sexual and gender-based
crimes, including rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced
pregnancy, enforced sterilization, and other forms of sexual violence.
Recognizing the enormous obstacles and challenges to the effective
investigation and prosecution of these crimes, the Prosecutor has included this
issue as strategic goals in her Strategic Plan 2012-2015. In addition, The
Office of the Prosecutor </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/iccdocs/otp/OTP-Policy-Paper-on-Sexual-and-Gender-Based-Crimes--June-2014.pdf"><span style="color: #3d85c6;">Policy Paper on Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes</span></a><span style="color: #333333;">
launched in June 2014 affirms the commitment of the Office to paying special attention
to sexual and gender-based crimes in line with statutory provisions and
provides clear and comprehensive guidance on issues regarding with sexual and
gender-based crimes in all aspects of operations.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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Written by Yixuan Ouyang</div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-39254616179550069602018-04-26T16:22:00.000-04:002018-04-26T16:39:31.365-04:00The significance of the International Criminal Court: Celebrating the ICC’s 20th Birthday in the US <div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.3800000000000001; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
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<span lang="EN">On April 16 2018, as part of the global
celebration of the 20th anniversary of the Rome Statute of the International
Criminal Court (ICC), AMICC held a moderated discussion on the importance and
challenges of the ICC. We were honored to have Roy Lee (former Executive
Secretary to the International Criminal Court Conference), Lori Damrosch
(Hamilton Fish Professor of International Law and Diplomacy) and Jelena
Pia-Comella (Deputy Executive Director of the Coalition for the ICC) as
panelists. John Washburn (Convener of the American NGO Coalition for the ICC)
was the moderator of the discussion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN">The Rome Statute is the founding treaty of the
ICC, and its creation in 1998 marked a milestone in seeking international justice
by subjecting sensitive military and security matters to international law and
holding powerful perpetrators accountable for crimes. During the event,
panelists discussed the uniqueness of the ICC, its relationship with the United
Nations, the interaction between the Rome Statute and general international
law,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and the meaning of this 20th
anniversary celebration. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN">Mr. Washburn began the conversation by
introducing highlights of the ICC, demonstrating that it is a not a branch of
government nor an organ of the UN, but a freestanding and independent criminal
court which has the right to determine its own jurisdiction. It tries only
individuals for legal reasons. One key point about the ICC legal process is
that the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) is required to conduct a preliminary
examination to determine whether there is sufficient reason to proceed with a
formal investigation. If the Prosecutor concludes that the examination provides
the basis for achieving a formal investigation, she would request, or in some
cases go forward on her own initiative, a formal investigation. Another strong
difference between the powers of domestic courts and the ICC is that the ICC
has no enforcement power, so State Parties must act on their obligations under
the Rome Statute to arrest the accused person. Therefore, it is very crucial
for the ICC to strengthen cooperation with State Parties that will provide
enforcement. Moreover, a very important aspect of the Court that attracts
favorable attention in the United States is that the Court has special services
for victims, which includes one office organizing and paying reparation to
victims and another providing legal assistance and representation to victims
throughout proceedings.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN">Professor Lee then discussed the Court’s
principle of complementarity, asserting that it was not until 1990s did
supporters of a permanent international criminal court decide that instead of a
super court, it should have a supplementary court which complements national
criminal jurisdiction. Only when a state is unwilling or unable to exercise
jurisdiction, does the ICC come in. This approach was well received by states
and it has become the basic principle of the ICC. However, this principle has
not been fully implemented yet and we need to further address how to encourage
those countries which have not joined the the Court to incorporate the ICC into
their national jurisdictions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN">Professor Damrosch acknowledged the Court’s
success and commented that the very existence and the activities of the Court
or the processes by which the crimes addressed by the Court get brought into
national legal systems may have had some sort of deterrent effect on the
commision of those crimes. She also talked about the interaction between the
Rome Statute and the broader system of international law, explaining that the
Rome Statute is embedded one way or another in just about every chapter of
international law curricula, such as the principle of consent, the entry into
force and withdrawal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN">Then Ms. Pia-Comella talked about the meaning
of the anniversary and the current status of preparations for celebration
events. She asserted that this anniversary is both a celebration and a
commemoration. The Rome Statute has criminalized the use of child soldiers and
the empirical evidence has shown that this provision has deterred the
commission of this crime. Meanwhile, we are celebrating in terms of the
promotion of human rights. The Court has very groundbreaking provisions for
victims’ representation and protection, and especially the victims of sexual
and gender-based violence and conflict. We are using the 20th anniversary to
raise awareness and to link it to other issues. For example, this year is also
the 70th anniversary of the genocide prevention treaty. In addition, the
celebration will help us garner even more support, full understanding and
honest discussion to push forward the concept of complementarity, and to gather
broader political support for the Court. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN">At the end of the discussion, panelists
engaged the audience in a series of questions about international legal issues,
the ongoing ICC situations, and the Court’s future relationship with the US.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Written by Yixuan Ouyang</div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-24875826115488120042018-04-13T11:58:00.000-04:002018-04-13T11:58:00.962-04:00Activating the Crime of Aggression at the ICC in 2018<br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">The
development of the Crime of Aggression has involved a lengthy deliberation
among civil society and governments which culminated in its approval by the
Assembly of State Parties at the International Criminal Court in 2017.
Delegates could not reach a consensus on the definition, breadth, or
application of the crime of aggression at the creation of the Rome Statute in 1998;
however, delegates compromised at the time to include the crime of aggression
in the Rome Statute Article 5 of the crimes within the jurisdiction of the
Court after the negotiation of a definition.
At a Review Conference in 2010 in Uganda, delegates negotiated the
definition and purview of the crime to facilitate State Party ratifications of
amendments to the Rome Statute at an Assembly of State Parties (ASP) thereafter<b>.</b></span></div>
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<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The
Kampala Review Conference disagreed about a provision—specifically whether
State Parties should enable the Court’s jurisdiction over aggression through
either opting out if unwilling to accept a broadly inclusive application of the
provision or opting in to choose the jurisdiction of the Court with the new
amendments to the Statute. The US, as an observer delegation rather than a
State Party delegation, had advocated for the opt-in option and broad Security
Council referral control during the Preparatory Commission following the Rome
conference. At the Kampala Conference, most countries felt that a consensus had
been achieved on definition and breadth of the amendments. However, it later
appeared that some disagreements over jurisdiction remained. During the 2017 ASP,
delegates further negotiated between the majority advocating for a “broad view”
by which states can elect to opt out of the ICC’s jurisdiction for the
aggression amendments and the strong minority advocating for a “narrow view” of
ICC jurisdiction requiring states to opt in to the provision. Ultimately,
delegates voted to adopt the aggression amendments at the 2017 ASP along the
narrow view—State Parties must opt in to accept the amendments to enable their
enforcement in the state territory and over the nationals of those State
Parties. <span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_2fftzhqxokwh"></a><span lang="EN">Defining the Crime of Aggression is actually not
a new concept. United States delegates had advocated during the Rome Conference
for the inclusion of the Crime of Aggression in the Rome Statute with the
requirement that the Security Council must refer cases to the Court as a final
effort to solidify the crime in the initial text; however, there was no
consensus for the requirement at the time. Concern about ICC jurisdiction over
acts of aggression proved to be one<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>critical
reason that the Bush administration would not sign the Rome Statute. The
administration was concerned that US military activities internationally could
be considered crimes of aggression. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_gjdgxs"></a><span lang="EN">This was a departure from previous US positions
on the crime of aggression. US efforts to prosecute the crime of aggression
extend back to the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the
International Military Tribunal for the Far East (Tokyo). In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Journal of International and Comparative
Law, </i>Jennifer Trahan described, “The Nuremberg Tribunal deemed ‘crimes
against peace’ to be ‘the supreme international crime, only differing from
other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the
whole.’ Trahan also pointed to the prohibition of aggressive use of force
enshrined in U.N. Charter Article 2(4), which precludes use of force against
the “territorial integrity” or “political independence” of any state, unless
authorized by U.N. Security Council Chapter VII enforcement actions or Article
51 arguments of individual or collective self-defense.<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The
new definition of the crime of aggression is as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">“‘crime of aggression’ means the planning,
preparation, initiation or execution, by a person in a position effectively to
exercise control over or to direct the political or military action of a State,
of an act of aggression which, by its character, gravity and scale, constitutes
a manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations.”<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The
amendments then include a list of actions that would qualify as an “act of
aggression”: “the use of armed force by a State against the sovereignty,
territorial integrity or political independence of another State, or in any
other manner inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations… [including
any] of the following acts, regardless of a declaration of war, shall… qualify
as an act of aggression:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(a)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The invasion or attack by the armed forces of
a State of the territory of another State, or any military occupation, however
temporary, resulting from such invasion or attack, or any annexation by the use
of force of the territory of another State or part thereof;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(b)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bombardment by the armed forces of a State
against the territory of another State or the use of any weapons by a State
against the territory of another State;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(c)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The blockade of the ports or coasts of a
State by the armed forces of another State;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(d)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An attack by the armed forces of a State on
the land, sea or air forces, or marine and air fleets of another State; <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l0 level2 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(e) The use of
armed forces of one State which are within the territory of another State with
the agreement of the receiving State, in contravention of the conditions
provided for in the agreement or any extension of their presence in such
territory beyond the termination of the agreement;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(f)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The action of a State in allowing its territory,
which it has placed at the disposal of another State, to be used by that other
State for perpetrating an act of aggression against a third State;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN">(g)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The sending by or on behalf of a State of
armed bands, groups, irregulars or mercenaries, which carry out acts of armed
force against another State of such gravity as to amount to the acts listed
above, or its substantial involvement therein.”<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">If
any acts fell under these categories but were authorized by the Security
Council or were for individual or collective self-defense, they would not
qualify as crimes of aggression.<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">To
initiate any investigation on a crime of aggression, a referral can originate
from the Security Council, a State Party, or the Office of the Prosecutor with
Pre-Trial Chamber approval.<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>
The aggression amendments do not allow the ICC jurisdiction over Non-States
Parties, or their nationals, unless the case is referred by the Security
Council for Non-State Parties. Therefore, this stipulation offers the Permanent
Five Security Council members who are not State Parties—namely the US, Russia,
and China—de facto immunity from the Court’s jurisdiction because of their
vetoes.<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>
(For clarity, the ICC only tries individuals, so such cases and resultant
trials only involve the culpability of the most senior level leadership.) The
aggression amendments will enter into force for State Parties that have
ratified them by July 17, 2018, which is also the 20th anniversary of the ICC’s
founding treaty, the Rome Statute.<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">There
are some potential complications that will need to be considered. Are states
that ratify the Rome Statute after the adoption of the amendments subject to
the amendment or must they additionally ratify it? Can non-State Parties by a
special declaration accept the Court’s jurisdiction in relation to these
amendments?<a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[8]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>
For these questions and other grey areas, the ICC judges have the discretion to
determine the breadth and limitations of the aggression amendments. Despite
limitations to the Court’s jurisdiction over the crime of aggression, the
beginning of the Court’s jurisdiction over this critical fourth crime on the
20th anniversary of the creation of the Rome Statute marks a momentous
milestone and progress for the Court. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="EN"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Written
By Amanda Schmitt<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> <span style="font-family: inherit;">Trahan, Jennifer. “</span></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN"><a href="https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=1008&context=jicl"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">An Overview of the
Newly Adopted International Criminal Court Definition of the Crime of
Aggression.</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of International and
Comparative Law,</i> Vol. 2, Iss. 1, Article 3. March 2016. 33. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/resource-library/Documents/RS-Eng.pdf"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 10.0pt;">The Rome Statute</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;">. ICC. 7.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> The Rome Statute. ICC. 7-8.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Trahan, Jennifer. “An Overview of the Newly
Adopted International Criminal Court Definition of the Crime of Aggression.”
39.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Trahan, Jennifer. “An Overview of the Newly
Adopted International Criminal Court Definition of the Crime of Aggression.”
41.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Trahan, Jennifer. “An Overview of the Newly
Adopted International Criminal Court Definition of the Crime of Aggression.”
41.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> “</span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://www.coalitionfortheicc.org/news/20171215/historic-activation-jurisdiction-crime-aggression-international-criminal-court"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 10.0pt;">Historic activation of jurisdiction over
crime of aggression at International Criminal Court</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;">.” Coalition for the International Criminal
Court. December 15, 2017. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="file:///H:/CSHR_General/ICC/Aggression)/Aggression%20blog%20-%20Schmitt%203-30-18.docx#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[8]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Akande, Dapo. “</span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://iccforum.com/aggression?utm_source=CICC+Newsletters&utm_campaign=ab28b153e8-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017_10_05&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_68df9c5182-ab28b153e8-356530753"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 10.0pt;">An Analysis of why the ICC does not have
Jurisdiction over the Crime of Aggression Committed by Nationals of ICC Parties
which have not Ratified the Kampala Aggression Amendments</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 10.0pt;">.” ICC Forum.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
<br />AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-67114515666334038402018-04-02T17:14:00.002-04:002018-04-02T17:15:39.349-04:00The Palestine-Israel Situation at the ICC: an update of the Prosecutor’s preliminary examination in Palestine<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
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<!--StartFragment-->
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;">On
January 16, 2015, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC),
Mrs, Fatou Bensouda, launched a preliminary examination into the situation in
Palestine to determine whether there is a reasonable basis to proceed with a
formal investigation. Specifically, the Prosecutor will, on the basis of
evidence available, consider jurisdiction, the admissibility of alleged crimes,
domestic prosecution of them, their seriousness and the interests of justice.
If these criteria are met, since the Prosecutor is addressing the situation on
her own initiative, she might ask the Pre-trial Chamber to authorize a formal
investigation. Such an investigation could lead to an arrest warrant and
eventually a trial.</span><br />
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_fftp4ug3vclm"></a><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">While the Prosecutor has not made a final decision on the
crimes to be pursued and persons to charge, she has declared that she has
assessed a large amount of relevant materials and has made significant progress
in her analysis of both factual and legal matters that are crucial to the
determination of a formal investigation. Crimes that are likely to be examined
are war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by both Israelis and
Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem since 13 June 2014.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_1bvt8ya2mn8j"></a><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) has put its focus on the
settlement activities in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, in particular as
they involve the alleged transfer of people into and from those occupied
territories.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_7b25h4tvp3v4"></a><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">With regard to the 2014 Gaza conflict, the OTP has
considered reported incidents which appear to be the most serious in allegedly
harming civilians and/or are representatives of the main types of conduct
considered by the Office, including the alleged targets and objects hit by
attacks and the geographical areas which appear to be most seriously affected
by attacks. The Prosecutor is required to conduct a fully independent,
impartial and thorough examination under the strict guidance of the Rome
Statute (the Court’s founding treaty) and she will examine potential crimes
committed by both Israelis and Palestinian individuals equally, using the same
criteria and procedures.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;">The
Rome Statute established an international organization composed of states. On
29 November 2012, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 67/19 granting
Palestine “non-member state” status. On 2 January 2015, Palestine deposited its
instrument of accession to the Rome Statute with the UN Secretary-General
(UNSG). In its capacity as depositary and on the basis of the General Assembly
resolution, the UNSG accepted Palestine’s accession to the Rome Statute. As a
result, Palestine became the 123<sup>rd</sup> State Party to the ICC, giving
the ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed on the territory of Palestine. The
Office acknowledged the Secretary General’s decision and concluded that ICC
jurisdiction over the Palestine situation began on 29 November, 2012.</span><br />
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_w1mikea1cfj1"></a><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">There is no timeline provided in the Statute for a final
decision on preliminary examination. However, based on the recent proceedings
and announcements, it seems that the Prosecutor is more likely than not to be
authorized to initiate a formal investigation. If this happens, it could place
the Prosecutor in direct and open opposition to the US. The Trump
administration position on the ICC as an organization is unclear, but will
probably be hostile, given its attitude towards international institutions,
which will be strengthened by recent changes in senior officials, and its
expected very strong reactions to the ICC’s involvement in Afghanistan and
potentially in Palestine. Parts of the U.S. public will share these reactions.
Under these circumstances, we provide the general public with this brief blog
as background information for the Palestine/Israel situation at the ICC.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_drevxehq76tj"></a><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">For more information, please refer to the two documents
published recently by AMICC that provide both a <a href="https://www.amicc.org/resource-palestine">brief overview</a> and a detailed <a href="https://www.amicc.org/resource-palestine">full background</a> of the Prosecutor’s preliminary examination.<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Written by Yixuan Ouyang</span></span></div>
<!--EndFragment--></h1>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-28194004463554695502018-03-19T14:28:00.001-04:002018-03-19T14:30:39.268-04:00The ICC and Afghanistan: New Brief and Overview Products on the Prosecutor’s Request for a Formal Investigation<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">After
completing the preliminary examination into the situation in Afghanistan, the
Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Fatou Bensouda, submitted
a Request for authorization from Pre-Trial Chamber III to begin a formal
investigation into the situation. The Request was submitted on November 20,
2017 and has been under review by the Chamber in the interim.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">When
the ICC conducts a preliminary investigation on any country situation, the
Prosecutor assesses potential crimes under ICC jurisdiction—crimes against
humanity, war crimes, genocide, and aggression—conducted <i>by any party</i>
within the territory of the state in question.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Prosecutor
said she had found a “reasonable basis” to believe that crimes under ICC
jurisdiction had been committed by individuals within three distinct parties in
the situation, including: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ol start="1" style="margin-top: 0in;" type="1">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">crimes against
humanity and/or war crimes by the Taliban, Haqqani Network, and affiliated
armed groups; <o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">war crimes by
members of the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF), particularly
members of the National Directorate for Security (NDS) and the Afghan National
Police (ANP); <o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">and war crimes
by members of United States of America (US) armed forces in Afghanistan
and members of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in “black site”
detention facilities in Afghanistan and on other State Parties’
territories, specifically in Poland, Romania and Lithuania.</span></li>
</ol>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Prosecutor asserts that the specified charges and
incidents presented in the Request meet both the ICC’s threshold for gravity
(severity) of the crimes and also complementarity (requirement for deference to
domestic courts), due to a lack of relevant national proceedings against
individuals viewed as most responsible for the gravest crimes. These senior
individuals with the most command and control over specific plans or policies
that bring about such crimes are the focus of ICC investigations and trials. This
means that senior level American officials in the Department of Defense or CIA
connected to war crimes named in her Request could potentially have arrest
warrants and charges against them if this formal investigation is approved—the
specific incidents and individuals of interest remain confidential at this
point.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Rome Statute that created the ICC states that the Court
has jurisdiction over crimes committed either within the territory of a state
party by any persons, or by nationals of a State Party. Afghanistan is a State
Party, so the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes committed on its territory. The
CIA is accused of detaining alleged participants in or individuals with alleged
ties to armed groups involved in the conflict in Afghanistan and transferring
detainees from Afghanistan to black sites in Eastern Europe. The crimes in
question at CIA sites in Poland, Romania, and Lithuania are within ICC
jurisdiction because the activities took place within the territories of these
three states that ratified the Rome Statute. This framework also prevents the
ICC from investigating treatment of any Afghanistan-related detainees in
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, because neither Cuba nor the United States is a State
Party to the ICC. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">We anticipate that the Pre-Trial Chamber may announce its
determination in the coming months. Given the thoroughness of the Prosecutor’s
report and the strongly asserted reasonable basis for crimes relevant to an
investigation, we expect that the Pre-Trial Chamber will approve her request. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">For more information, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">AMICC recently
published two reference documents that offer both a short <u><a href="https://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/e13974_561fe68230c34f4c84d1fe581ef4a09a.pdf">synopsis</a></u> and
lengthier <u><a href="https://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/e13974_e2c0971b2bcc4560926ea87244ff2b0e.pdf">overview</a></u> of the Office of the Prosecutor’s Request. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; line-height: 107%;">Written by Amanda Schmitt</span>AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-43210015223537380272017-09-08T10:45:00.002-04:002017-09-08T10:45:21.636-04:00The Hitman's Bodyguard: The ICC in American Popular Culture<div class="MsoNormal">
Favorable treatment of The International Criminal Court
(ICC) has begun to appear in American popular culture. In the last three
months, this has happened in two thriller novels and a movie. This blog discusses
this phenomenon through these books and the film. In particular, we consider whether
it may be important in making the American public aware of the ICC through what
it reads and watches.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The movie is<i> The
Hitman’s Bodyguard. </i>In it, Michael Bryce (played by Ryan Reynolds) is hired
as a bodyguard to transport a notorious hitman, Darius Kincaid (Samuel L
Jackson) to The Hague. Kincaid is to testify in the trial of Vladislav
Dukhovich (Gary Oldman) a dictator from Belarus accused of crimes against
humanity. It opened on August 18, 2017. On its opening weekend, admittedly a
slow one at the box office, it was the first place earner with a gross of $21,384,504.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmVdUOrI477L7qoohkzgdF0Shp-dxDkZkvXx7_2QWklJA3bIHi_AFmQzqeiK2kRg9Nk8h7s67oS4osWWhyphenhyphenmywb-PHtA4pqddcxNBsnLNZNW5fo3Ed6wcWwj2go8u96HehP94FP5g/s1600/hitman%2527s+bodyguard.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1000" data-original-width="657" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmVdUOrI477L7qoohkzgdF0Shp-dxDkZkvXx7_2QWklJA3bIHi_AFmQzqeiK2kRg9Nk8h7s67oS4osWWhyphenhyphenmywb-PHtA4pqddcxNBsnLNZNW5fo3Ed6wcWwj2go8u96HehP94FP5g/s320/hitman%2527s+bodyguard.jpg" width="210" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(<i>The Hitman's Bodyguard</i> Official Poster, sourced from IMDB. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1959563/>) </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The movie is firmly
within the genre of action comedy, under the direction of Australian Patrick
Hughes, who also directed <i>The Expendables
3</i>. It has a cast of stars with Ryan
Reynolds, Gary Oldman, Samuel L Jackson and Salma Hayek The movie has been
received in a form typical to the genre, reviews ranging from below average to
just slightly above. The New York Times review stated, “It occupies its genre
niche – the exuberantly violent Euro-action movie-star-paycheck action comedy –
without excessive cynicism or annoying pretension.” <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Irrespective of the film’s reception by the industry, it is
a movie about getting a witness to an international trial. Kincaid’s
motivations compromises the force of this theme. The character’s impetus is not from a strong
sense of justice and a desire to end impunity; he is only willing to testify to
the Court to exonerate his wife, Sonia Kincaid, played by Salma Hayek. The film
does however deal with the very serious issue of witness protection, something
that is well - known to and greatly concerns those familiar with the ICC. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Reviews and various synopses of the movie reveal that
reviewers and publicists know little about the ICC. They are confused about the
Court in The Hague where Kincaid is going to testify. In researching this film
some media outlets state that Kincaid is going to testify at the ICC, other say
that Kincaid and Bryce are trying to get to the International Court of Justice,
and some just use the catchall of “The Hague”. Production Notes from Lionsgate,
the movie’s distributor, do not clarify what Court the film is dealing with;
simply stating that it is a “raucous and hilarious adventure from England to
the Hague.” It is telling that even at a press release level, the jurisdiction
and functions of those two international courts is confused. The film itself
makes specifically clear that it is about a trial at the ICC. Moreover, it is
about the trial of an individual, whereas the jurisdiction of the International
Court of Justice is limited to disputes between states. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The confusion about the Court is just one of a few
misconceptions about the structures and functions of international law and
enforcement expressed within the film. For example, its use of Interpol agents
was misleading. However, the significance of the movie remains in its positive
portrayal of the ICC. Even having regard to the irony of two characters acting
with impunity to get to a Court whose sole mandate is to end international
impunity, the movie does familiarize the American audience with the existence
of the Court.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
This familiarization may be even better furthered by the two
novels: Scott Turow’s <i>Testimony</i> and
Terry Jastrow’s <i>The Trial of Prisoner 043</i>.
Both are fictional novels that deal directly with the jurisdiction and judicial
functions of the ICC. <i>Testimony </i>is
about the ICC trial of the Bosnian genocide. It has been reviewed by the New
York Times as a “fast-paced, well researched and, like the background it
describes, distinctly tangled. This is a crime novel that requires a level of
concentration and engagement with international politics some readers may balk
at.” Scott Turow is a famous author of thriller novels. He is also a lawyer who
still maintains a small private practice and most of his books have legal
themes. His readership is in the millions. <i>Testimony
</i>is not his best work, but still achieved a week on the New York best- seller
list. Turow spent time at the Court and
his description of the Court is fairly good, giving readers a reasonable sense
of how the Court works. Moreover, both in the text and in an Author’s Note
there is warm and well-informed praise of the Court and sharp criticism of the
US refusal to join it.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i>The Trial of Prisoner
043</i> presents a fictional ICC trial of George W. Bush for war crimes
committed during the Iraq war. <i>The Trial
of Prisoner 043</i> been reviewed by one critic as “an interesting thought
experiment, [that] is not successful as a legal novel.” Both novels are
inaccurate in their description of testimony at the Court. <i>The Trial of Prisoner 043 </i>is especially so with testimony consisting
only of long arguments pro and con on the invasion of Iraq under George W. Bush.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Whatever their merits or demerits in describing the Court,
here are two novelists who are very concerned about the size of their
readership and a director anxious to produce the end-of-summer blockbuster
action movie. None of them apparently feared public hostility to their work
because the ICC was a large feature of it. They probably knew nothing about
polls showing high levels of popular approval of the Court, but their instincts
about the public told them that there was no threat of such hostility. It is
too early to draw final conclusions from this, but we are now on notice to see
if it becomes a trend to support our advocacy.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Reference List:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.icj-cij.org/en/frequently-asked-questions">http://www.icj-cij.org/en/frequently-asked-questions</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1959563/business?ref_=tt_dt_bus">http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1959563/business?ref_=tt_dt_bus</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.lionsgatepublicity.com/theatrical/hitmansbodyguard/">http://www.lionsgatepublicity.com/theatrical/hitmansbodyguard/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/16/books/review/testimony-scott-turow.html?mcubz=3">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/16/books/review/testimony-scott-turow.html?mcubz=3</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/16/movies/the-hitmans-bodyguard-review.html">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/16/movies/the-hitmans-bodyguard-review.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://abovethelaw.com/2017/08/standard-of-review-novel-the-trial-of-prisoner-043-prosecutes-george-w-bush/">http://abovethelaw.com/2017/08/standard-of-review-novel-the-trial-of-prisoner-043-prosecutes-george-w-bush/</a><o:p></o:p></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-53076437675101586152017-08-14T13:43:00.001-04:002017-08-14T13:43:31.776-04:00Carla Del Ponte: her resignation and why<div class="MsoNormal">
On Sunday 6 August 2017, Carla Del Ponte resigned from the
United Nations (UN) Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the
Syrian Arab Republic (Commission). Her departure has been widely reported in
the New York Times and other major news outlets, and is part of the trend in
the American news media to report more widely on the continued conflict in Syria
and more generally on situations the International Criminal Court (ICC) is
trying to address.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Del Ponte’s rationale for leaving the Commission highlights
one barrier in attaining international justice through the ICC. The powers of
the UN Security Council, specifically the Permanent Fives veto power provided
by the UN Charter, can either stall or accelerate the process of international
justice. This power held by United States, Russia, China, France and the United
Kingdom is wide, thereby leaving international justice vulnerable to political
will. This blog will discuss how the
Syrian situation demonstrates the damaging role of veto powers in the work of
the ICC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBDTNo5TrY_NNjs0d-b23k_7cg3ak0CA1mYjKuhgZncjRM3H4JBIhSIjchQ3E6E1Taby9eh-tIiwtK0rFh4oLzGk4ivQ5EeNTi182djO1Vm9ZSRliFAeggPwLIYm1S92X9K_MChQ/s1600/Del+Ponte.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="798" data-original-width="900" height="283" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBDTNo5TrY_NNjs0d-b23k_7cg3ak0CA1mYjKuhgZncjRM3H4JBIhSIjchQ3E6E1Taby9eh-tIiwtK0rFh4oLzGk4ivQ5EeNTi182djO1Vm9ZSRliFAeggPwLIYm1S92X9K_MChQ/s320/Del+Ponte.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Carla Del Ponte, Commissioner on the UN Independent International </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Image sources from Justice Info Net. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><http://www.justiceinfo.net/en/component/k2/34285-syria-and-the-lessons-to-be-learned-from-carla-del-ponte-s-resignation.html> </span></div>
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Human Rights Council (HRC) Resolution on 22 August 2011
established the Commission, and the UN General Assembly has since repeatedly
endorsed it. The Commission’s mandate is to investigate all alleged violations
of international human rights law in the Syrian Arab Republic, and to establish
the facts and circumstances of any violations and crimes committed and to
identify those responsible. Further HRC
resolutions expanded the Commission’s mandate including preserving evidence of
crimes for possible future criminal prosecutions, with an emphasis on
transparency and independence in holding those responsible to account. Over the
years, the Commission has published several reports on the alleged atrocities
committed by the Islamic State (IS), the Syrian Government and the opposition
to the Government. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The Commission was the result of the growing international
pressure to address the situation in Syria.
Mainstream media have widely reported that Syrian people are suffering
from abuses perpetrated by IS, the Syrian Government and the Government
opposition. The 2016 reception of the critically acclaimed documentary <i>White Helmets</i> testifies to the
international community has continued concern. Amid this pressure, which does
not appear to be subsiding any time soon, it has come as a shock to many that
top war crimes expert, Del Ponte, has resigned from the Commission. With Del
Ponte’s departure, the Commission is left with two Commissioners, Paulo Sergio
Pinherio from Brazil and Karen Koning Abuzayd from the United States. Vitit
Muntarbhorn from Thailand and Yakin Erturk from Turkey formerly sat upon the
Commission. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Del Ponte’s departure is a significant loss to the Commission,
having served as a prosecutor in Switzerland and internationally. Del Ponte is
a former Attorney-general of Switzerland, and acted as Prosecutor for both the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). One of her most notable
prosecutions was the indictment against acting Head of State Slobodan Milosevic
in the ICTY, a prosecution that at the time seemed inconceivable. Strong international criticisms of the
Commission’s effectiveness and international inaction regarding the continued
atrocities committed in Syria accompanied Del Ponte’s decision to leave the
Commission. She particularly highlighted the inaction of the UN Security
Council; the New York Times quoted Del Ponte as saying, “I was expecting to
persuade the Security Council to do something for justice… Nothing happened for
seven years. Now I resigned.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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It appears that the lack of support from the UN Security
Council was the deciding factor for her resignation. Del Ponte is further quoted
to have said “[t]he states in the Security Council don’t want justice… I can’t
any longer be part of this commission which simply doesn’t do anything.” Supporting
Del Ponte’s claim is the lack of intervention or action by the UN Security Council
over the past seven years. In a recent interview, Del Ponte pointed the finger
at Russia, noting that it supports the Bashar al-Assad Government. Del Ponte
also acknowledged the failures of other states to put enough pressure on Russia
to change its stance on Syria. CNN reported in April 2017 that Russia has
blocked eight resolutions on Syria since 2011. In all instances Russia’s veto
has either been accompanied by China, or China has abstained in the vote. These
resolutions have attempted to address a variety of issues from the more mundane
expression of ‘grave concern for the situation in Syria’, to clear
condemnations of gas attacks on civilians. The Commission’s mandate is to
research, report and collect evidence, but without the support of the UN
Security Council, the Commission is rendered a toothless tiger. <o:p></o:p></div>
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One of the UN Security Council’s major failings with respect
to Syria was the Russian and Chinese veto of a resolution to refer the
situation to the ICC in March 2014. This veto was condemned by Washington. Many
Americans had already been shocked by the photographic evidence from Syrian
defector Caesar, showing the deaths of 11,000 Government detainees .The draft
resolution had also gained popular support among the international community with
support from 65 states in the General Assembly. In 2014, it was estimated by
the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights that the Syrian conflict had resulted
in the deaths of 160,000 people and displaced millions of Syrian citizens since
2011. The organization <i>I Am Syria</i> estimated
in August 2017 that a total of 470,000 people have died in the conflict. The
2014 draft resolution called for the ICC to have jurisdiction over crimes
against humanity and war crimes committed in Syria, and was deliberately
drafted to emphasize that all atrocities committed would be investigated,
irrespective of the perpetrator. Although there have been continued calls
within the international community to refer the situation to the ICC, no such
subsequent resolution has been drafted by the UN Security Council.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Although the ICC does have limited capacity to investigate
the situation in Syria through its personal
jurisdiction over foreign fighters in
Syria from ICC member states, this will not provide the international community
and the Syrian people justice for the breadth of the atrocities. The successful
prosecution of foreign fighters would send a message that the international
community will not tolerate impunity. However, it is unlikely to affect those alleged
criminals with command responsibility. This also resembles the limited impact
of domestic trials based on the concept of universal jurisdiction. One such
trial was pursued in Spain, although subsequently dropped in July 2017 for lack
of a clear Spanish connection. These trials may provide the international
community with some reassurance that we are working towards ending impunity,
however those most responsible remain out of the reach of justice. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Del Ponte’s resignation signals to the world that the
dysfunction and politics within the UN Security Council has a severe impact on
the struggle for international peace and justice. As in this case, these severe
failings of the UN Security Council restrict the ICC’s ability to provide the Syrian
people with justice for the atrocities committed against them and to fulfill its
mandate to end impunity for international crimes. It serves as a reminder of
the grave responsibility of the UN Security Council to put aside its politics
when atrocity crimes are before it and thus to sustain its legitimacy.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<u>Reference list:</u><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-40845771">http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-40845771</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/02/26/us/white-helmets-oscar/index.html">http://www.cnn.com/2017/02/26/us/white-helmets-oscar/index.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/04/13/middleeast/russia-unsc-syria-resolutions/index.html">http://www.cnn.com/2017/04/13/middleeast/russia-unsc-syria-resolutions/index.html</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.cnn.com/2014/05/19/world/meast/syria-civil-war/index.html">http://www.cnn.com/2014/05/19/world/meast/syria-civil-war/index.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/may/22/russia-china-veto-un-draft-resolution-refer-syria-international-criminal-court">https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/may/22/russia-china-veto-un-draft-resolution-refer-syria-international-criminal-court</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.iamsyria.org/death-tolls.html">http://www.iamsyria.org/death-tolls.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/IICISyria/Pages/AboutCoI.aspx">http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/IICISyria/Pages/AboutCoI.aspx</a>
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.npr.org/2017/08/07/542034643/-i-give-up-frustrated-war-crimes-expert-resigns-from-u-n-syria-inquiry">http://www.npr.org/2017/08/07/542034643/-i-give-up-frustrated-war-crimes-expert-resigns-from-u-n-syria-inquiry</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/06/world/middleeast/syria-war-crimes-del-ponte-resigns.html">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/06/world/middleeast/syria-war-crimes-del-ponte-resigns.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/09/opinion/syria-war-crimes-security-council.html">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/09/opinion/syria-war-crimes-security-council.html</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-kenya-election-idUSKBN1AP030">http://www.reuters.com/article/us-kenya-election-idUSKBN1AP030</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2014/sc11407.doc.htm">https://www.un.org/press/en/2014/sc11407.doc.htm</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.un.org/en/sections/un-charter/chapter-v/index.html">http://www.un.org/en/sections/un-charter/chapter-v/index.html</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: windowtext;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/putin-and-assad-could-face-justice-for-war-crimes-in-syria/2016/10/09/f71402da-8cbb-11e6-bf8a-3d26847eeed4_story.html?utm_term=.c18c5a72f8e5">https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/putin-and-assad-could-face-justice-for-war-crimes-in-syria/2016/10/09/f71402da-8cbb-11e6-bf8a-3d26847eeed4_story.html?utm_term=.c18c5a72f8e5</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: windowtext;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://wunc.org/post/war-crimes-expert-carla-del-ponte-resigns-uns-syria-inquiry#stream/0">http://wunc.org/post/war-crimes-expert-carla-del-ponte-resigns-uns-syria-inquiry#stream/0</a><o:p></o:p></div>
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</div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Written by Ally L. Pettitt.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">*For further analysis of the ICC's jurisdiction over foreign fighters, please refer to our last blog. <http://amicc.blogspot.com/2017/08/accountability-of-foreign-fighters.html> </span></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-75239360817820739512017-08-09T12:01:00.000-04:002017-08-09T12:09:49.931-04:00Accountability of Foreign Fighters<div class="MsoNormal">
The atrocities taking place in Iraq and Syria are a serious
concern to the international community. Islamic State (IS) has inevitably
caused generations of harm to the region, and the impacts are being felt all
over the world. The rise of foreign terror fighters (foreign fighters) has
brought an international character to this conflict, highlighting the need to
end impunity. This blog will discuss in depth the possible avenues for domestic
and international accountability with respect to foreign fighters in IS. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Foreign fighters are a threat through their capacity to
radicalize before returning to their country of origin, bringing with them
traumatic experiences and the technical experience to engage in terrorist
activities. The National Bureau of
Economic Research in England has claimed that the majority of the foreign fighters
recruited by IS come from Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Turkey and Jordan.
Although in lesser numbers, many European and Western sovereign governments
have acknowledged nationals fighting for IS; including the United Kingdom (UK),
Finland, Italy, Canada and Australia.<o:p></o:p></div>
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While foreign fighters do continue to preset a significant
threat to state security, they may also be used as a possible avenue for the International
Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor to gain jurisdiction over the atrocities
committed by IS. The Court’s role in the global fight to end impunity
accentuates the significance of the ICC’s prosecution of crimes committed by
IS. In 2015 the ICC Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, released a statement explaining
the ICC’s jurisdiction over the alleged crimes committed by IS. The Prosecutor
clearly articulated that while the crimes that are being committed in Iraq and
Syria are of unspeakable cruelty; including rape, enslavement and possibly
genocide; the Court does not have territorial jurisdiction because Syria and
Iraq are not State Parties to the <i>Rome
Statute</i>.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6SisAKznhCgbp_KngFxOJTqFE6K0FRu6aSzmUuk777yuAsGW7XyHGPL4Ozqn2dsMWrVGT8LsAUqbmzQR64Ec6yC0V_Rl7-bC0JGJbQkjiOcNrzjgU3PvX7po8yYSZ4kG1gYm0jg/s1600/Fatou-Bensouda3-610x407.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="407" data-original-width="610" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6SisAKznhCgbp_KngFxOJTqFE6K0FRu6aSzmUuk777yuAsGW7XyHGPL4Ozqn2dsMWrVGT8LsAUqbmzQR64Ec6yC0V_Rl7-bC0JGJbQkjiOcNrzjgU3PvX7po8yYSZ4kG1gYm0jg/s320/Fatou-Bensouda3-610x407.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Fatou Bensouda, ICC Prosecutor</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Image sourced from Diplomat Magazine.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><http://www.diplomatmagazine.nl/2016/01/09/icc-prosecutor-fatou-bensouda-gives-a-tour-dhorizon-of-her-offices-work/> </span></div>
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Although the decline of IS has led to an exodus of foreign
fighters from its ranks, returning foreign fighters provide the international
community with an opportunity to hold members of IS accountable for their
crimes. State Parties are obliged under the <i>Rome
Statute </i>preamble to exercise criminal jurisdiction over those responsible
for international crimes; specifically crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide.
Should a State Party fail to prosecute individuals for those crimes nationally,
the ICC’s jurisdiction is activated under Art 17. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The jurisdiction that is activated is the Court’s personal
jurisdiction over State Party’s nationals, who are alleged perpetrators of
statute crimes. It is the same avenue used by the Prosecutor to gain
jurisdiction over the alleged war crimes committed by UK nationals in their
military intervention in Iraq. Personal jurisdiction, as distinct from
territorial jurisdiction, gives the Court jurisdiction over individuals from
State Parties, as opposed to the territory of a State Party. In 2015 the Prosecutor
noted foreign fighters from State Parties were active in the region, including
nationals from Tunisia, Jordan, France, the United Kingdom, Germany, Belgium,
the Netherlands and Australia. Further,
the Prosecutor highlighted the use of social media to publicize the atrocities
committed by these foreign fighters, assisting the Prosecution’s evidentiary
burden.<o:p></o:p></div>
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However, personal jurisdiction is not sufficient for the Prosecutor
to begin a formal investigation or trial. The status of these foreign fighters
is crucial; the Court’s understanding of the <i>Rome Statute</i> places particular emphasis on command responsibility. This
is evident through a brief review of the ICC’s precedent; for example the ICC
has convicted Thomas Lubanga, former President of the Union des Patriotes
Congolais and Jean-Pierre Bemba, former President and Commander-in-chief of the
Mouvement de liberation du Congo. In fact, Bemba was the first person convicted
on command responsibility at the ICC.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The State Party nationals would also have had to commit
crimes that meet the sufficient test of gravity required to initiate an
investigation under Art 53(1)(c) and further to be admissible at trial under
Art 17(1)(d). In both instances, the Pre-Trial Chamber and the Prosecutor must
find that the alleged crimes are sufficiently grave to justify further action
by the Court. Gravity was introduced into the <i>Rome Statute</i> to ensure that the ICC would only consider crimes of
most serious concern in the international community. Although the term is not
defined, the <i>Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga
</i>trial determined that the test of gravity must consider whether the conduct
was either systematic or large-scale, and the social alarm caused in the
international community. Gravity is neither a strictly qualitative or quantitative
evaluation. However, the alleged perpetrators status is relevant. An individual
committing war crimes or crimes against humanity will cumulatively have less impact
than those in command, and may not satisfy the systemic or widespread
requirement. These characteristics more appropriately fit individuals with
command responsibility, than foot soldiers. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Although the Court is limited by territorial jurisdiction,
the ICC’s inherent personal jurisdiction is crucial when discussing the
accountability of foreign fighters. The <i>Rome
Statute</i> requires that returned foreign fighters be investigated and tried
in their nation of origin, and should a State Party fail to satisfy this
obligation the Court has jurisdiction. This highlights the importance of
sovereign nations ratifying the <i>Rome
Statute</i>, by creating an obligation on State Parties to end impunity for
international crimes domestically. In this instance, the Court is able to
indirectly impose standards of international criminal law through soft
measures; contributing to the Court’s objective in ending impunity. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Bibliography: </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="http://www.globalcenter.org/publications/addressing-the-foreign-terrorist-fighters-phenomenon-from-a-european-union-perspective/">http://www.globalcenter.org/publications/addressing-the-foreign-terrorist-fighters-phenomenon-from-a-european-union-perspective/</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="http://www.nber.org/papers/w22190.pdf">http://www.nber.org/papers/w22190.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="http://time.com/4739488/isis-iraq-syria-tunisia-saudi-arabia-russia/">http://time.com/4739488/isis-iraq-syria-tunisia-saudi-arabia-russia/</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/legalAidConsultations?name=otp-stat-08-04-2015-1">https://www.icc-cpi.int/legalAidConsultations?name=otp-stat-08-04-2015-1</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="http://blog.casematrixnetwork.org/toolkits/eventsnews/news/first-ruling-on-command-responsibility-before-the-icc/?doing_wp_cron=1501266997.0830960273742675781250">http://blog.casematrixnetwork.org/toolkits/eventsnews/news/first-ruling-on-command-responsibility-before-the-icc/?doing_wp_cron=1501266997.0830960273742675781250</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/apr/26/isis-exodus-foreign-fighters-caliphate-crumbles">https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/apr/26/isis-exodus-foreign-fighters-caliphate-crumbles</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="https://www.casematrixnetwork.org/cmn-knowledge-hub/icc-commentary-clicc/commentary-rome-statute/commentary-rome-statute-part-2-articles-11-21/#c2000">https://www.casematrixnetwork.org/cmn-knowledge-hub/icc-commentary-clicc/commentary-rome-statute/commentary-rome-statute-part-2-articles-11-21/#c2000</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/legalAidConsultations?name=otp-stat-08-04-2015-1">https://www.icc-cpi.int/legalAidConsultations?name=otp-stat-08-04-2015-1</a></span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Written by Ally L. Pettitt</span></div>
<br />
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AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-36405290618136988052017-07-27T13:03:00.000-04:002017-07-27T13:06:23.685-04:00Iraqi 'Rehabilitation' Camps: A Possible Crime Against Humanity<div class="MsoNormal">
The forcible removal and transfer of civilian populations,
and detaining them constitutes a crime against humanity under the International
Criminal Court’s Rome Statute. Statute expresses the standing international law
standard that this is a crime that applies to all nations without exception.
The Court must enforce it according to that standard although its jurisdiction
may not reach all offenders. These acts as part of systematic attack against
those individuals seen to be indirectly associated with the terrorist group IS.
The topic of this blog is deportation, forcible transfer and imprisonment of
sections of the Iraqi civilian population and how the Court might address those
responsible for this crime.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Human Rights Watch (HRW) has recently spoken out against the
use of ‘rehabilitation camps’ in Iraq. HRW argues that these camps, designed to
rehabilitate family members of alleged Islamic State (IS) members, have
amounted to evictions and are a form of collective punishment. HRW claims that
at least 170 families are victims of Iraqi Security Forces evictions, as well
as being subject to threats and attacks. These rehabilitation camps have been
in response to a Mosul District Council direction, issued on 19 June 2017, that
IS families are to receive psychological and ideological rehabilitation. Soon
afterwards, a rehabilitation camp in Bartalla was opened. HRW visited this camp
to conduct interviews, revealing that no one detained had said they were
accused of any wrongdoing and did not know when they would be allowed to leave.
HRW also noted that the families were composed of mostly women and children.</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgv-GciK54py-VMtrjLBDgPDnn1EBsWfuh9LRKzVKAmhZuoXUJ_vkqlJ_Yn9UQiKPfNr-gnSoylNm7ZM-bZapzEerMl1HJNeSGag1f9y7SnFAfnXlg-w05IMFZL3nQtw78KOV9tJA/s1600/201707mena_iraq_bartalla_camp.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="946" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgv-GciK54py-VMtrjLBDgPDnn1EBsWfuh9LRKzVKAmhZuoXUJ_vkqlJ_Yn9UQiKPfNr-gnSoylNm7ZM-bZapzEerMl1HJNeSGag1f9y7SnFAfnXlg-w05IMFZL3nQtw78KOV9tJA/s320/201707mena_iraq_bartalla_camp.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Bartalla 'Rehabilitation' Camp.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Image sourced from Human Rights Watch.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/07/13/iraq-alleged-isis-families-sent-rehabilitation-camp></span></div>
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This is not the first time HRW has reported this kind of
incident in Iraq; in March HRW reported the displacement and detention of 125
suspected IS families and in January reported on Iraqi provincial government’s
decree authorizing the demolition of homes of anyone proven to have
participated in terrorism activities. However, this most recent event of
institutionalizing individuals based on assumed criminality is a new
development. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Iraq is not a State Party to the Rome Statute, and therefore
the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) jurisdiction would have to come from
an unlikely referral to the United Nations (UN) Security Council. However, with
territorial jurisdiction the Court would be able to try these actions by the
Iraqi Government as a crime against humanity under Art 7 of the Rome Statute. If
these Iraqi ordinances and decrees were applied without due process. This might
constitute an additional crime against humanity. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Although the Court’s jurisdiction is largely limited to states
parties to the statute, Art 12(2) may provide an alternative avenue for ICC
intervention. Personal jurisdiction could apply if members of the Combined
Joint Task Force, Operation Inherent Resolve, are participating or facilitating
in the removal of families of those accused of terrorist activities. These
individuals must be nationals of states parties of the Rome Statute. Art 12(2)
of the Rome Statute places two conditions on the ICC’s jurisdiction,
specifically either the crime must have been committed by within the territory
of a state party or alternatively the crime was committed by a national of a
state party. For example, citizens of countries like Australia, New Zealand and
Iceland, members of Operation Inherent Resolve, could be accountable to the ICC
by virtue of their status as citizens of a State Party.<o:p></o:p></div>
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To be clear, this is not to imply or infer that foreign
forces are involved in crimes against humanity or specifically in the removal
of Iraqi families. In fact, HRW has clearly articulated that the removals are
the result of sovereign Iraqi provisional authorities’ various decrees. Although
the removals are the result of Iraqi decrees, it is possible that foreign
forces may be involved in the process of deportation and forcible transfer. In
this instance, the ICC does provide victims of atrocities with an avenue to
seek justice and accountability from the citizens of countries in those forces.
The provisions of the Rome Statute on war crimes, genocide and crimes against
humanity also serve as a standard in the international community, and all
states parties should be aware of their obligations under the treaty when
engaging in foreign intervention. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Written by Ally L. Pettitt</i></span></div>
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AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-5212402424262040132017-07-24T13:21:00.000-04:002017-07-24T13:21:21.749-04:00The Office of Global Criminal Justice: Why it matters. <div class="MsoNormal">
On 17 July 2017 there were strong indications that the US
States Department was planning to either close the Office of Global Criminal
Justice (GCJ) entirely, or to reassign its staff and responsibilities to the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (the Bureau). There is no official
statement yet, but the reassignment of Todd Buchwald, acting head, makes its
impending close appear very likely. The purpose of this blog post is to explain
why the closure of an independent GCJ matters to those interested in the International
Criminal Court and the values it upholds. The GCJ has been the office
responsible for the official US relations with the International Criminal Court
(ICC). <o:p></o:p></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnaHpOFzCuer6RGgyOuUQdoii4AzD8889CW934OjrBjVemE4PvibxgYbZ7ao5acxuSmN1gf8KOmpJEXzPIGZPxqIaZ1JrvdFiHLB8xApuM3rVND4PLsEUBmpYarcDoX5IMPy3UoA/s1600/buchwald.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="279" data-original-width="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnaHpOFzCuer6RGgyOuUQdoii4AzD8889CW934OjrBjVemE4PvibxgYbZ7ao5acxuSmN1gf8KOmpJEXzPIGZPxqIaZ1JrvdFiHLB8xApuM3rVND4PLsEUBmpYarcDoX5IMPy3UoA/s1600/buchwald.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption">Todd Buchwald, Acting Head of the Office of Global Criminal Justice<br /><span style="font-size: xx-small;">US State Department Photo</span></td></tr>
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The principles enunciated by the GCJ has its origins in a
fundamental shift in US foreign policy during the Carter Administration. Carter’s
election symbolized a move was away from acknowledging human rights, to
actively pursuing the cause. In 1977, his inauguration speech explicitly stated
“Because we are free, we can never been indifferent to the fate of freedom
elsewhere.” Twenty years later, this commitment led Madeleine Albright to
create the Office of War Crimes Issues (now GCJ) within the States Department. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The GCJ has been in operation twenty years, and its achievements
have been great in dealing with atrocities around the world.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Continued campaigning to ensure foreign
Governments do not extend diplomatic invitations to Sudanese officials that are
wanted by the ICC, including incumbent President Al-Bashir;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Negotiations and fund-raising to assist the
creation of the AU-Senegalese Court;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Continued technical support to the government
and people of Colombia in their transitional justice process;</span></li>
<li> <span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Obtained and released 30,000 Caesar photos from
Syria, exposing the recent atrocities committed under the current Bashar
al-Assad regime;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Assisted the State Department in assisting the
African Union to set up a hybrid court to prosecute international crimes within
Africa;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Provided active support to the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia;</span>-<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;">
</span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Seconded staff to the European Union’s Special
Investigative Task Force;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Drawn attention to the ongoing conflict in
Burundi, including assisting the Atrocity Prevent Board’s mission in the
region; and</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: -0.25in;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Raising American and global awareness of the
Yazidi genocide in Iraq, perpetrated by the international terror group IS.</span></li>
</ul>
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Beyond its commitment for accountability and against
impunity, the GCJ also runs an active War Crimes Rewards Program. This has been
in operation since 15 January 2013, and offers up to $5million USD to
individuals who provide information regarding designated defendants who have
been charged with the commission of international crimes. This program has been
effective, in securing fugitives subject to arrest warrants from the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International
Tribunal for Rwanda. More recently, the Program has assisted in detaining
Dominic Ongwen, Ladislas Ntaganzwq and Jean Bosco Ntaganda; Ongwen and Ntaganda
being ICC defendants. The program is currently seeking information to aid the
capture of other perpetrators such as Joseph Kony. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The importance of the GCJ is evident from these achievements.
The GCJ is a continued demonstration to the world that the United States is
committed to ending impunity and bringing those responsible for grave
atrocities to justice. Although the functions of the GCJ may remain when the
Office is subsumed under the Bureau; there is a reasonable concern that its
integration may come at the cost of a specific focus on war crimes and
international justice. The values of the Bureau are to promote freedom,
democracy and protect human rights. Although a focus on international criminal
law may be inferred by the nature of the Bureau’s objectives, issues of
criminal justice are unlikely to be at the forefront. The consequences may be
that the US may appear to have backed away from its commitment to end impunity,
and international criminals may conclude that they will not be held accountable
for their crimes. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<i>Written by Ally L. Pettitt</i></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-52860633390721723752017-06-14T10:45:00.000-04:002017-06-14T11:44:35.862-04:00A Supportive US Statement, a Divided Security Council: Analyzing Statements on the Darfur Situation<br />
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On Thursday, June 8, 2017, the Security Council met to hear ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda’s briefing on the Darfur situation. The situation had been referred to the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) by the Security Council through resolution 1593 (2005).</div>
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The <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/item.aspx?name=170608-otp-stat-UNSC" target="_blank">ICC Prosecutor discussed </a>the outstanding ICC arrest warrants in the Darfur Situation and asked for support in getting states to uphold these warrants, or at least for the Security Council to act upon her office’s referrals of states for non-compliance and non-cooperation. She emphasized the case of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who has repeatedly made headlines for traveling to other states despite an outstanding ICC arrest warrant against him for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur. Prosecutor Bensouda also mentioned that they were considering more individuals and new arrest warrants.</div>
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The statements of Security Council member states were divided. While the meeting began with a supportive statement from the UK, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the following statement from Ethiopia criticized the ICC’s handling of situations in Africa and called for the suspension of the case against Bashir. Egypt also called for such a suspension. Uruguay was extremely supportive of the Court’s work and encouraged ratification of the Rome Statute. The US called for accountability for the war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity in Darfur. Japan highlighted the obligations of States under resolution 1593 (2005). Ukraine criticized non-compliance with the court, followed by Italy which called for cooperation with the Court. However, then China said that the African Union’s criticism of the ICC, was reasonable and Russia argued that the meeting and its subject matter was inappropriate for the UN Security Council.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sweden and France followed with supportive statements that called for cooperation with the ICC and obligations to uphold arrest warrants under the resolution. Sudan, which is not a member of the Security Council, was the last to speak. It denied genocide in Darfur, attacked the prosecutor and insisted that there was not enough evidence.</div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3yfo-YnZHieEVLT7mwNgPAiDO7j0Vn7qlK0vMLPJlIqOjX0imPHGbDOiCAyAcBBAwuI9VWVbkPkvDHLpmDN5Sio4hVZnHZ65Mn6IIejxLiXCgoxQtow_lExPTSsvdtRO1FsPR/s1600/image002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="429" data-original-width="626" height="436" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3yfo-YnZHieEVLT7mwNgPAiDO7j0Vn7qlK0vMLPJlIqOjX0imPHGbDOiCAyAcBBAwuI9VWVbkPkvDHLpmDN5Sio4hVZnHZ65Mn6IIejxLiXCgoxQtow_lExPTSsvdtRO1FsPR/s640/image002.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">UN Photo</td></tr>
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<span style="font-weight: normal;">Division at Security Council</span></h3>
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A similar division had arisen during the Prosecutor’s briefing on the Libya situation to the Council last May. Given the sizable body of opposition at the Security Council towards the ICC’s work and the geopolitical climate related to the ICC and situations of atrocities, it is doubtful that the Security Council will refer any more situations to the ICC. Similarly, despite Prosecutor Bensouda’s calls for Security Council action against non-compliance and non-cooperation, it may be unlikely that such actions will be taken in the immediate future. There are several countries who criticize the actions of the Court; so, it is possible that an enforcement attempt would not receive enough “yes” votes from the Security Council members. Russia and China’s opposition to the Court’s work and their economic and political ties could also turn into vetoes of future ICC-related referrals. That said, many actions to help end the conflict in Sudan have been taken by the Security Council in the past year: they renewed the 1591 Sudan Sanctions Committee Panel of Experts, sanctions, and UNAMID’s mandate. So, there could be the possibility of some action that indirectly helps the OTP’s work in Darfur. Yet, statements at the Security Council last Thursday suggest that some states have been alarmed the ICC’s efforts to get Bashir, a head of state, to The Hague.</div>
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Although there is too much opposition for the Security Council to act in support of the ICC’s work, it is highly unlikely that the Security Council will act with hostility against the Court. The verbal support for the ICC’s work from the majority of states at the Security Council, including the UK, France, and, often, the US, should provide a buffer against any efforts to undermine the Court’s work, including through resolutions deferring cases from investigation by the OTP and trial at the ICC. Such a deferral would bind the OTP from working on a case or situation under Rome Statute Article 16, and it could undermine the Court’s work.</div>
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However, deferrals are a possibility, and the Security Council has agreed on deferrals in the past. For example, during the Bush administrations’ political attack against the Court in the early 2000’s, it pressured the Security Council to pass Resolution 1422, which deferred ICC investigation and prosecution of peacekeepers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It used its veto powers against resolutions renewing UN peacekeeping operations’ mandates until the Security Council agreed to do so. </div>
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Therefore, for the continued success of the Court, the Security Council’s assistance, cooperation, and support will be vital. Supporters of the ICC who are nationals of Security Council member states must strategically demonstrate the public’s support for the Court and find new avenues to maintain, strengthen or induce their government’s political support for the Court.</div>
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<span style="font-weight: normal;">The US Statement</span></h3>
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Ambassador Michele J. Sison, the US deputy permanent representative to the United Nations spoke on behalf of the US delegation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She <a href="https://usun.state.gov/remarks/7838" target="_blank">stated</a>:</div>
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“Having referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC over ten years ago, we must continue to demand Sudan’s compliance with this Council’s decisions. While victims have not yet seen justice, and refugees and internally displaced persons continue to struggle years after the conflict began, it is unacceptable that President Bashir still travels and receives a warm welcome from certain quarters of the world– and unacceptable that none of the Sudanese officials with outstanding arrest warrants have been brought to justice.”</div>
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This is not the first official statement that the US has made under the Trump administration about the Darfur situation. Last month’s press release from the US Embassy in Khartoum was more strongly worded. It opposed not only Bashir’s travel but travel of all individuals with outstanding ICC arrest warrants. Similarly, in May, the US expressed its support for the ICC’s work in Libya and called on states to transfer, to The Hague, individuals with outstanding ICC arrest warrants from the Libya situation.</div>
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Admittedly, there is only so much that can be derived from US statements at the UN or a US embassy. Neither of the statements came directly from Washington, and US officials’ statements on foreign policy issues have been lacking consistency—even at the highest levels. For example, recently Donald Trump and Rex Tillerson made news for making opposing statements about the diplomatic crisis between Qatar and other Middle Eastern countries. So, it is difficult to ascertain if the sentiments and policies set forth by these statements will reflect future actions and positions of the US government.</div>
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However, it is encouraging that, during the Trump administration, the three official US statements on the ICC were supportive of the Court. Even if the statements were not directly delivered by Washington, supportive statements from the US mission at the UN Security Council and from a US embassy is better than a hostile reaction to the Court. </div>
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The statements were consistent with the policy of constructive engagement, which was adopted under the Obama administration. Since no new policy has been publicly announced under the Trump administration, US officials may simply be following the old policy. Or, the supportive statements could be an intentional decision by the administration because changing the US policy on the ICC is not a top priority of the administration or because it felt that the policy was compatible with their goals. It is also possible that the administration simply has not paid attention to the ICC yet, and these offices are just echoing preceding statements and acting outside of Washington’s radar. So, it is likely, that the administration either doesn’t yet care about the ICC policy or the administration is at least neutral or in favor of the preceding policy. In either case, there is a chance that the US policy on the ICC will not change for some time.</div>
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AMICC Secretariathttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06071089967925594515noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-87673329228906072392017-06-06T13:47:00.002-04:002017-06-06T13:48:23.341-04:00Reviewing "Détente scoffs at talk of International Criminal Court probe"<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpoZskvnyVQTW2i0-kSJCQomODMlYflePSMjGw44PoS0mrT4wI9HvnUdUs6IfWy1xs9Sh9wMscJQZqqoy1ImwiCngLcsuHvBY-qftV6dCMyK0XdPJz3aIbgwei_zOUNfxOiai-Yg/s1600/Duterte.jpg"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpoZskvnyVQTW2i0-kSJCQomODMlYflePSMjGw44PoS0mrT4wI9HvnUdUs6IfWy1xs9Sh9wMscJQZqqoy1ImwiCngLcsuHvBY-qftV6dCMyK0XdPJz3aIbgwei_zOUNfxOiai-Yg/s400/Duterte.jpg" width="297" /></a></div>
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Recently, news outlets have speculated on potential ICC charges against the Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte for crimes against humanity. The recent Washington Post article “Duterte scoffs at talk of International Criminal Court probe,” by Emily Rauhala, correctly notes that bringing charges against Duterte would take time. However, it also observes that if the OTP were to begin a preliminary examination into the situation in the Philippines—the first step in the process, the examination could have a significant impact. The Washington Post article also poses some interesting questions about the impact that charges for crimes against humanity could have on the US relationship with the Philippines. A few of the points made in this article deserve attention for AMICC’s advocacy.<br />
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Language check:</h3>
As is the case in most press coverage about the International Criminal Court, some inaccurate language conveyed common misconceptions about the Court. Some clarification might be needed when discussing the article<br />
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• First, referring to the Rome Statute, Emily Rauhala says that the US “never signed the treaty.” Yet, the US did sign the treaty on December 31, 2000, under the Clinton Administration, although Clinton did not send it to the Senate for ratification, and the Bush administration deactivated the signature in its first term.<br />
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• Similarly, the article says that Russia “withdrew” from the pact last year; however, more accurate terminology would be to say that it “deactivated” its signature.<br />
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• Rauhala writes that the “complaint” against Duterte “accuses the president and 11 associates of mass murder and crimes against humanity.” However, mass murder is a type of crime against humanity.<br />
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• South Africa, Gambia and Burundi have not merely “at various times, threatened to withdraw” from the ICC. All three announced their withdrawal last Fall and informed the UN of their decisions, which is necessary to leave the Court. South Africa and Gambia are no longer set to leave the Court, and only Burundi is set to leave.<br />
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Impact on The United States Relationship</h3>
Rauhala correctly pointed discussion in the article to the impact charges at the ICC will have on US-Philippines relations. Indeed, in the past, the US has shied away from allowing its leaders to shake hands with those accused of crimes by the ICC. Last month, the media was thrown into a frenzy with reports that both US President Donald Trump and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir would be attending the same summit in Saudi Arabia. The speculation and criticism were not missed by the US government, and the US embassy in Khartoum released a strong statement against Bashir’s attendance: "the United States has made its position with respect to Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir’s travel clear. We oppose invitations, facilitation, or support for travel by any person subject to outstanding International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrants, including President Bashir.” If an arrest warrant is issued for Duterte for crimes against humanity charges, the PR optics of US officials meeting with the President might make such meetings increasingly unlikely.<br />
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<h3>
ICC as the last hope</h3>
The article quotes Sen. Leila de Lima as saying that the ICC is “the last hope for the Philippines to see an end of killings.” Indeed, the ICC is a court of last resort. The framers of the Rome Statute intended for it to be so; it is not meant to get involved in situations where local or national institutions are already able and willing to execute the rule of law. Correctly explaining the principle of complementarity—although without using the term—Rauhala writes that the ICC “can assert… jurisdiction only if it is clear that local authorities have failed to investigate or prosecute crimes.” The article aptly explains that it does not appear that there is any movement in the Philippines for investigation or accountability for the extrajudicial killings and that institutions have been “kept” from doing so under Duterte.<br />
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<h3>
Point of Contention: Political Pressures on the Prosecutor</h3>
Writing about “political considerations” as Rauhala did in the article may be appropriate journalism. However, it would be imprudent and unprofessional for the prosecutor to proceed or dismiss the complaint based on political pressures or fears. The framers of the Rome Statute intended for the Court to stay apolitical in its decisions to prosecute, and the prosecutor has repeatedly stated that she is committed to making decisions about prosecutions following her mandate rather than political tides. That being said, it is difficult for the prosecutor to completely fulfill her mandate without the necessary budget to do so. The article points to the relatively small resources at the Court's disposal given their caseload. While it is best that the Prosecutor remain committed to her mandate without political judgments involved; limited resources may forces the prosecutor to make choices between situations for the ICC to bring to a preliminary examination or investigation even if both situations fall under her mandate. </div>
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<br />
The Washington Post should continue to educate its readers about the ICC and potential charges of crimes against humanity. The article does an excellent job of explaining the significance of the complaint and any potential preliminary examination or subsequent charges that might result from the complaint. However, better knowledge and understanding of how the court works is needed by news outlets to avoid contributing to the problem of misinformation about the Court.<br />
<i><br />Written and researched by Taylor Ackerman, AMICC Professional Associate (unpaid)</i><br />
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AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-31266372568869549602017-05-22T12:19:00.000-04:002017-05-22T12:20:33.115-04:00An Update on the Trump Administrations’ Approach to the ICCThe current administration has not set a new policy for the ICC; predictions about the future US-ICC relationship cannot be based on clear statements from the administration, because there are none. However, the strongest and most hopeful clues about future US-ICC relations came in the form of a statement from the US Deputy Legal Advisor, Stephen Townley, at the UN Security Council meeting on May 8th, 2017 and a statement from the US Embassy in Khartoum in Sudan. Yet, even logical deductions from those statements cannot be turned into predictions about the future position of the Trump administration on the ICC.<br />
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<b>Security Council Statement on the Libya Situation</b><br />
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The United States’ statement at the Security Council praised the ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda's work on the Libya situation, and, implored states to extradite individuals under ICC arrest warrants to The Hague for trial. The United States also expressed support for accountability of those responsible for crimes in Libya. It did so because the United States recognizes the necessity of accountability and justice to secure peace and stability. This was a powerful and commendable statement by the United States. <br />
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Although, it is a positive statement that the UN mission was consistent with past policy; the statement could have resulted from a variety of situations. The statement indicates that the Trump administration’s policy on the ICC could resemble the Obama administration policy or the policy of the second half of the Bush administration. However, it is also possible that the statement about Libya originated from the UN mission, and might not represent thinking in Washington. It could also mean that no new policy has formed. In fact, the “International Criminal Court” page on the State Department’s website still states that the “May 2010 National Security Strategy summarizes current US policy.” It is possible that no one in the Trump circles has really thought about the ICC or that changing the policy is not a priority for the administration. If the Trump administration does plan to follow the policy, it should continue to show a strong push for international criminal justice in situations where it fits US national interests, such as in Libya. <br />
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<br />
<b>US Embassy Statement on Bashir</b><br />
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So far, the biggest test of the US-ICC relationship under the Trump Administration came in the form of reports that both US President Donald Trump and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir would be attending the Islamic-American Summit. The ICC issued an arrest warrant for Bashir for charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Fortunately, for the administration, it was announced that Bashir would no longer be attending the meeting on Friday, May 19th. The preceding Wednesday, May 17th, the US Embassy in Khartoum, Sudan had stated:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
"We oppose invitations, facilitation, or support for travel by any person subject to outstanding International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrants, including President Bashir."</blockquote>
The statement not only referred to Bashir but stated US position towards “any person subject to… (ICC arrest warrants.” It was a strong statement in support of upholding the ICC arrest warrants and the travel of Bashir, which has been a continuous problem for the Court. However, like the Security Council statement, the Embassy statement may have been derived from a wider State Department agenda, or it may have merely originated from inside the Embassy. It may have reflected a variety of situations in Washington. <br />
<br />
Furthermore, given the existing global press attention and the potential image problem, if Trump had attended the summit with Bashir, it would have been a stronger demonstration of US commitment to accountability if a statement came directly from Washington. During the previous two administrations, high-level officials gave numerous statements of US support for the Court’s efforts in Darfur and called for the transfer of Bashir to The Hague after the Court issued an arrest warrant for him. It is more important than ever that the United States show a commitment to accountability in Darfur, and demonstrate that the United States does not condone impunity for those who committed atrocities. It should encourage its allies to work with the ICC to transfer those under ICC arrest warrants instead of enabling those individuals to travel to their country with impunity.<br />
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Another cause of concern for how the Trump Administration will treat the ICC situation in Darfur can be found in the March 2017 US Bureau of African Affairs’ fact-sheet on US-Sudan relations failed to mention the ICC, genocide, accountability or justice. The US has done very little on the issue of Darfur under the Trump Administration, and the fact sheet could reflect a potential shift away from the approach taken by Trump’s predecessors. However, the fact sheet also does not mention any individuals who face arrest warrants from the ICC, and the ICC tries individuals, not states. Perhaps it could be reasoned that since the fact sheet was about the US relationship with Sudan, the state and not with its officials, it does not represent a shift in approach. <br />
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<br />
<b>Room for Concern</b><br />
<br />
There is further room for concern about the future US-ICC relationship. The Prosecutor is considering allegations that the US and other NATO personnel committed war crimes against detainees in Afghanistan. While charges at the ICC against US nationals could have negative consequences for US-ICC relations, there is hope that it might be an impetus for the administration to procure justice for war crimes. The Administration could be encouraged to hold domestic trials of its nationals alleged to be most responsible for war crimes. There are reasons to do so. It would be a signal to the rest of the world and to the American public, that the United States does not condone or provide impunity for those who commit atrocities and violate American commitments. As a result, our global image might be reshaped as a state committed to human rights, the rule of law, and justice. Plus, prosecutions might mend the dissonance between Americans calling for accountability of foreign officials responsible for atrocities while allowing American nationals to enjoy impunity. Following the principle of complementarity, the ICC would refrain from trying Americans where the US has proceedings under way to uphold accountability and the rule of law, and this, in turn, could relieve many American fears about the ICC.<br />
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The Trump administration has asserted opposition to international organizations, which may be an indicator that the Trump administration will oppose the ICC, but it is unlikely that the Trump administration would oppose the existence of all international organizations. Previous AMICC blogs have pointed out that numerous international organizations do essential work. For example, without US participation in international organizations, Americans would be unable to safely fly internationally. Certain objectives can only be procured through international cooperation. The US mission at the UN has already recognized the importance of the ICC for securing accountability in Libya. The ICC’s commitment to justice and accountability for atrocities is particularly attractive to the United States, and it serves an essential role in securing justice in many situations. Additionally, the US is not a state party to the Rome Statute, has very few obligations to the ICC, but is interested the Court’s success.<br />
<br />
Likewise, there were initial concerns about a draft executive order that included a provision about a committee recommending the United States defund the ICC. The committee would make recommendations on defunding international organizations, and the draft order included an extensive list of organizations for the committee to consider. The ICC is one of them. However, the provision of the draft executive order has yet to be signed by the president, and it would have no effect on US-ICC relations since it is already illegal under domestic law for the United States to fund the ICC. <br />
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Ultimately, there are numerous indicators, but they lack clarity. Even the statement by the US delegation at the UN cannot confidently be asserted as a forecast of future Trump administration policy towards the Court. In some respects, it might be better that the Trump administration avoid the topic of the Court altogether. The administration has yet to alter the inherited Obama policy towards the Court, and they have yet to criticize or attack the Court as the early Bush administration did. While a formulated approach by the new administration could follow the path of the Obama Administration or the late Bush administration, there is also the possibility that the administration would adopt the attitudes of the early Bush administration. On the other hand, there are cases where US political and tactical support have been extremely beneficial to the Court’s. It might be best to simply hope that the Trump administration provide support for the Court on a case-by-case basis—expressing its approval and offering its help in cases it finds attractive and staying mostly silent in other situations.AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-17147829433435718552017-05-12T16:48:00.001-04:002017-06-14T11:47:33.420-04:00US-ICC Advocacy Points from the ASIL Annual Meeting <div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: center;">
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<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">At 9 AM, on April 13th, 2017, in the Hyatt Regency Capitol Hill, a panel for a session titled “International Law and the Trump Administration: National and International Security” was faced with a complicated question. It was not the last discussion about the future of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the 111th American Society of International Law (ASIL) Annual Meeting. Many more questions and answers were posed during the meeting, as international criminal law experts looked into their crystal balls and made predictions about the Court’s future. The Annual Meeting featured a significant number of panels on the subject of ICC. Even in panels not directly about international criminal law, legal experts were quick to bring up the subject of international criminal law and the ICC.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The increased focus on the ICC at the ASIL 2017 Annual Meeting is a heartening development for supporters of the ICC, in the United States and around the world. This increased attention appears to reflect a demand for more information on the ICC, which the current administration’s scorn for international institutions may have sparked. The future of international criminal justice and the Court, itself, were topics of discussion at ASIL, reflecting widespread concern for the ICC’s future within the American and international legal community.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Some of the key topics were the </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">US-ICC relationship</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, the </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">role of victims in international criminal justice</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, and the </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ICC’s relations with African states</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. While recurring concerns about the ICC surfaced across the panels, notable figures like ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda addressed these concerns about the Court’s efficacy or costs by looking at its successes and the costs of conflict. Most of the discussions were solution-oriented. </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The critical yet future-oriented nature of these panels is extremely relevant to AMICC’s advocacy. The panel on “Building Trust in International Law and Institutions” is especially pertinent for the United States’s relationship with the Court in light of controversial preliminary examinations in Afghanistan. This panel on fostering trust started with the most basic question: whose trust is it? This existential question is inextricably linked with the values and purposes of international law and its institutions. </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The panel on whether the ICC should privilege global or local justice raised important questions on whether global and local goals are at odds, and to what extent global justice truly addresses local needs. One matter was inescapable. The question that no panelist could ignore: what comes next? There is widespread discussion on the ICC’s role going forward. This daunting question was broached more generally in the panel on “International Law and the Trump Administration” and more specifically in the “Future of International Criminal Justice” panel.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In the “Future of International Criminal Justice” panel, the panelists approached the topic from a variety of angles. Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, Theodor Meron, and UN Assistant Secretary General for Legal Affairs Stephen Mathias all addressed the concerns of high costs and inefficiency, and that the resolution of these structural challenges is essential to ensuring a bright future for institutions like the ICC. Susana SáCouto on the other hand chose to focus on the current role of victims in international criminal justice, where she believes the system has fallen short.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 4pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">TOO EARLY TO TELL: REFLECTING ON BELLINGER’s REMARKS ABOUT THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION’S FUTURE APPROACH TO THE ICC</span></div>
<b id="docs-internal-guid-74ae0649-fe64-8613-97bc-54c4ccff41a7" style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<br />
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The question asked at the “International Law and the Trump Administration” panel referred to reports from earlier in the week that the Trump Administration endorsed the ICC; speculation over future Trump policy towards the Court ensued. Yet, the potential “endorsement” was only a convoluted interpretation of a response by Sean Spicer at the White House Press Briefing on April 10, 2017. Yet, this speculation over Trump’s future approach to the ICC came at a time when few indicators exist.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-left: 72pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">“Q: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Thank you, Sean. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">President Trump has spoken out extensively about the crimes of Bashar al-Assad in Syria. Does the President consider Assad a war criminal? And does he believe Assad should eventually appear before the ICC?”</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-left: 72pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-left: 72pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">“MR. SPICER: I think right now the focus is twofold. One is defeating ISIS, and the second is creating the political environment necessary for the Syrian people to have new leadership there. I don't think that there’s -- I can't imagine a stable and peaceful Syria where Bashar al-Assad is in power. I think we all recognize that that happens -- and there can be a multipronged approach; we are ensuring that ISIS is contained and that there’s a de-escalation of the proliferation of chemical weapons, at the same time, creating the environment for a change of leadership.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-left: 72pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 12pt; margin-left: 72pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> “</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Q </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Does the President believe Assad has committed a war crime</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">? </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 12pt; margin-left: 72pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">“MR. SPICER: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">I think that there is a court that decides those things. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">And obviously, there’s a reason that -- well, I clearly -- the actions -- when you take an action against the people that he has, and I think we feel unbelievably confident in the intelligence that we </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">have. But again, that would be something for a court to decide</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #333333; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">.”</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">John Bellinger, the former legal advisor to the Bush administration, answered the question. His underlying argument: it is too early to predict the nature of the Trump administration's’ relationship with the ICC. Bellinger did not view Spicer’s remarks as an endorsement. This seems to be an accurate assessment, particularly given the remarks by Sean Spicer, which revealed little evidence of a Trump policy towards the ICC. At first, when asked about whether Trump thought that Assad should go to the ICC, Spicer said nothing about the ICC—neither indicating favor nor opposition. When asked, whether the President thought Assad committed a war crime, Sean Spicer, responded: “I think there is a court that decides those things.” The speculation of whether Spicer indicated endorsement from the administration results from the remark “that would be something for a court to decide.” However, Spicer did not directly address the ICC in his response; when speaking, he refers to “a court,” not a particular court like the ICC. He may not want to discuss the ICC directly, or he may not know or understand what the ICC is. Spicer may not know the Trump administration’s attitudes on the ICC because the administration has not yet formulated an approach or has not prioritized the Court.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">While the remark is unlikely to mean endorsement of the Court, the remark does reveal that, at least to Spicer’s knowledge, the ICC has not received significant internal attention from the administration. The Office of the Press Secretary is not gearing up to deliver messages about the ICC. No impending action is ready. If they were getting ready to take action against the ICC, it would be ill-advised for Spicer to say, “that would be something for a court to decide.” </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bellinger does not dismiss the chance that there could be “a roll-back” to the approach of the Bush administration in its first term. Bellinger remarked that there were some indicators: Trump has blatantly expressed his dislike of international institutions, and we can recognize an impulse in this administration to attack these institutions with little to no understanding of what or how these international institutions operate. He referred to the draft executive order; which if it had come to fruition would have set up a committee to provide Trump recommendations on funding cuts to some international institutions, including the ICC, which the US does not fund. The inclusion of the ICC represents a negligent misunderstanding of the US-ICC relationship, but it also indicates that some anti-ICC sentiment, however small and misinformed, might be residing in the White House.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Such misinformed decisions could continue. The panelists lamented earlier in the panel that Trump was showing a disregard for international law and Bellinger remarked that pictures show the absences of lawyers in the room during major decisions. Yet, this should be expected given that, like many key state department positions, the top legal advisor positions have yet to be appointed. However, Bellinger also emphasized that the administration's’ approach may be determined by the individuals in his administration. So, until the vacancies for some the officials in charge of ICC policy are filled by the Trump Administration, it might be difficult to determine what voices and opinions Trump will be listening to. In the meantime, it may depend on Secretary of State Rex Tillerson; but the individual who is appointed as the Trump Administration’s legal advisor will have an incredibly important role in determining the administration’s approach to the ICC. It appears that the individual appointed might not be in complete opposition to the ICC and could be a positive influence on Trump policy: Earlier in the panel, Bellinger noted that “centrist lawyers” were filling spots in the administration, and later Bellinger noted that there are conservatives in Congress who support the ICC’s work. There is, as was stated at the beginning, “a ray of hope.”</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> THE PROSECUTOR ON PROCURING UNIVERSALITY: FOLLOW THE MANDATE</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">At the end of a panel on the future of international criminal justice, came a question relevant to the future of the International Criminal Court and AMICC’s advocacy: How does the Court procure universality? </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda responded that she hoped the Court’s credibility would lead states to join. Her role in credibility-building: fulfilling and strictly following her mandate. She explained that there can be “no room for fear or favor” when prosecuting Rome Statute crimes. The Court would respect the principle of complementarity and she would not prosecute individuals who already were under the jurisdiction of national courts willing and able to prosecute them. </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The answer comes at an interesting time. The preliminary investigation in Afghanistan has led the prosecutor to US nationals for the torture of detainees. If an investigation is opened against United States military or intelligence officials, this would be the first instance of the Court pursuing American nationals. If the prosecutor responds “without fear or favor” to evidence of torture by the United States, as her mandate dictates, what will be the outcome?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Prosecutor Bensouda also emphasized the importance of future universality for addressing concerns about the lack of jurisdiction over Rome Statute crimes committed in non-party states by non-party state nationals . The prosecutor expressed concerns about the criticism of the Court for its lack of jurisdiction because some mistook it as a double-standard without understanding that the Court has limited jurisdiction according to the statute. As we know, with the exception of Security Council referrals, the Court cannot exert jurisdiction over a non state party’s territory unless it involves crimes committed by state party nationals. Hence, as certain states, like the United States, refrain from joining the Court, impediments to jurisdiction will continue to exist. The prosecutor’s emphasis on universality motivates AMICC to continue advocating for the United States’ full support of the ICC.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.7999999999999998; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "arial"; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">This misconception reflects another reason for our advocacy: the wider problem of misinformation about the Court. The issues that many perceive as deficiencies of the Court are actually caused by state omissions. Yet, in today's clash of fake news and alternative facts, civil society organizations like AMICC must diligently dispel misinformation that would lead to anti-ICC sentiment. The global populace needs to be better informed about the ICC in order to better support its efforts against impunity. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial";"><span style="font-size: 14.666666984558105px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><i>Written by Taylor Ackerman and Meredith Sullivan</i></span></span>AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-19172810705756531222017-03-31T12:52:00.002-04:002017-03-31T12:52:44.238-04:00Syria: When Atrocity Bears No Consequence<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-align: left;">
<i>Written by Kalila M. Jaeger</i></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The founding of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was based on one simple precept: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">never again</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. The Nuremberg Trials, conducted in the first international justice tribunal, set a powerful precedent for the international Criminal Court (ICC), a permanent court for the criminal prosecution of atrocities whose entry into force was only realized in 2002. Yet despite broad international support for the ICC, despite the fact that it has accomplished landmark victories and convictions in the last few years, the court has not been able to act against the horrors of the Syrian Civil War. Why isn’t more being done, and is there any way to hold the perpetrators of atrocities in Syria accountable?</span></div>
<b id="docs-internal-guid-585006aa-2544-be9b-5ca5-a2bc10719e67" style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
<h2>
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Limits on the Court’s Powers</span></h2>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Court’s founding Rome Statute provides specifically how cases can and cannot be referred to the Court. The Prosecutor does not have the power to pursue just any case: it must fall within the ICC’s jurisdiction; it must have been committed on the territory of a country that has ratified the Rome Statute or by one of its nationals. Those nations that have ratified are referred to in the Statute as State Parties. The Court’s founders included an additional integral provision in the jurisdiction guidelines: in cases where extreme atrocities are committed in a non-member state, atrocities that are determined to represent a threat to international peace and security, a referral from the UN Security Council would override other jurisdiction rules and trigger an investigation by the Court. Any of the permanent members of the Security Council, (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States), however, have the right to veto Security Council decisions. A single veto vote nullifies all others, a fact which has prevented the Security Council from referring the Syrian situation to the ICC due to Russia’s allegiance to the Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Syrian Civil War has raged on six years now, and many have questioned why the ICC isn’t playing a more active role in helping to end the seemingly endless human rights violations. Assad’s government has a discouraging number of allies, and the conflict in Syria has long ago escalated from a battle between Assad loyalists and anti-Assad rebels into something much larger and more chaotic. Before we can fully understand paths to legal accountability, we must gain an understanding of each major player in the fight and their goals. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
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<br />
<h2>
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">How did the Syrian Civil War begin?</span></h2>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Like other uprisings in the Arab Spring of 2011, rebellions in Syria sprang up that year over lack of civil liberties and from pushback against oppressive economic conditions (Lanza, 2011). Extreme drought from 2007-2010 had forced millions to migrate from rural areas into cities, intensifying poverty, overcrowding and general social unrest in the cities (Blanchard et. al, 2014). Brutal crackdowns on the protesters served to further inflame the public, and because much of the Middle East region was engulfed in pro-democracy uprisings, some of which, like those in Egypt and Tunisia, were ultimately successful, the protest movement gained massive momentum. Importantly, though, not all those opposed to Assad’s regime were aligned ideologically; there was no consensus among protesters as to an alternative (Blanchard et. al, 2014). As clashes between government forces and protesters continued and escalated into armed conflict, sectarian divisions between different groups of protesters became more apparent, and friction between them intensified. Intervention from foreign powers escalated the conflict further, into what many view as a proxy war reminiscent of the Cold War era. Infighting and violent struggles for political and religious authority have devolved into the worst display of human rights violations and atrocities of the 21st century. We are inundated with imagery of cities on fire, under siege, drone strike after drone strike, starvation, torture and enforced disappearances of half a million people. Twelve million Syrians are internally displaced from their homes or teeming at the borders of the European Union begging for refugee status. The perpetrators of the Syrian Civil War must be held accountable now. But who are they?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
<h2>
<hr />
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Who’s responsible for human rights violations in Syria?</span></b></h2>
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<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b><br />
<ol style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bashar Al-Assad and his domestic loyalist forces</span></div>
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</ol>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bashar Al-Assad has been the President and Commander in Chief of Syria since the year 2000, a role which he came to fill following after his father through dubiously “democratic” elections.The regime calls itself secular, but the manipulation of sectarian conflict in the country, between Sunni and Shiite Muslims, has long been a tool of political power by the Assads. The Alawite Shia minority religious group, of which Assad is a member, has been a bastion of support for him throughout the conflict. Although Syria is majority Sunni, the country’s security establishment has historically been dominated by the Alawites (Mallat, 1988). As such, most anti-Assad fighters are Sunni, whether domestic or international, and most international powers who support Assad have historically been aligned with Shiite interests.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Since the uprisings in 2011, Assad has ruled with an iron fist, intensifying his crackdowns on rebel groups exponentially and using the Syrian state army to carry out his bidding with excruciatingly brutal tactics, resulting in the worst massacre the world has seen in half a century. Assad will seemingly stop at nothing to retain his power over Syria, and the willingness of foreign powers, notably Russia and Iran, to assist him has made a deposition nearly impossible. Next to ISIL, Assad and his loyalist forces are the most brutally violent players in the Syrian conflict with the most innocent blood on their hands (</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bhardwaj, 2012)</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ul style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Main goals: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">to remain in power and stamp out opposition, defeat ISIL.</span></div>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Allegations of human rights abuses: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The UN confirms at least nine intentional mass killings since the start of the war, with the Syrian government and its allies responsible for eight of them. War crimes include use of chemical weapons, indiscriminate bombing of civilians and aid workers, non-military targets, enforced disappearances, attacking towns, villages, and non-military targets, use of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare, use of rape as a weapon of war, deaths in custody of government officials, and the prevention of medical aid to civilians and children. He is also responsible for crimes against Humanity for the use of torture (Human Rights Watch, 2015).</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="2" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Iran </span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">As a majority Shia nation and a regional neighbor, Iran backs Assad’s regime, and sees the continuance of the Assad’s political power as instrumental to Iran’s interests in the region. Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, vocally supports Assad, and the nation has provided arms, technology and military training to loyalist forces since the start of the conflict. According to the UN convoy, Iran spends approximately 6 billion dollars annually supporting the Assad regime. Iran has lost over 1,100 troops in the fighting since 2013. Many of the soldiers it deploys, who work closely with Assad’s loyalist forces and with Hezbollah forces are Afghani and Pakistani refugees who agree to serve in Syria in exchange for salaries and Iranian citizenship. Of the 1,100+ fallen Iranian troops, over 750 are refugee mercenaries.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ul style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Main goals: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">keep Assad (major ally in the region) in power, prove to the US that the nuclear deal did not de-fang Iran, defeat ISIL.</span></div>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Allegations of human rights abuses:</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Iran is accused of the coercion of undocumented Afghans to fight in Syria. As one of the main financial backers of Assad’s government, the atrocities committed in his name are partly Iran’s responsibility.</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="3" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Russia</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Russian intervention in Syria began in earnest in 2015 when Assad requested military aid from Putin to fight rebels and Jihadists. In response, Russia stationed military advisors and special operations forces in Syria, and launched airstrikes against rebel and Jihadist targets in the South. Although Russia’s aim to eradicate Jihadist militant groups like ISIS aligns with US goals of the same nature, its willingness (and apparent eagerness) to strike anti-Assad forces-- even those who are considered “moderate”-- is fundamentally at odds with US objectives. Most pundits agree that this is part of a larger attempt by Russia to rebuff US influence in the region (Allison, 2013). Russia has claimed that allowing Assad’s forces to fall would enable terrorist groups to consolidate and seize control of the region. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights has said that in the first year of the Russian intervention, between September of 2015 and February of 2016, Russian airstrikes had killed 1,700 known civilians, over 200 of whom were children. Syrian Network for Human Rights estimates casualties even higher; reports show that Russian airstrikes have killed more civilians than either ISIS or Syria’s loyalist army. </span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Russia stands accused of major human rights violations stemming from their participation in the conflict, including the bombings of civilians and a United Nations aid convoy driven by aid workers and carrying food and medical supplies in the fall of 2016 (Borger, 2016). Russia initially claimed that the reports of the attack were fake, and, after eventually acknowledging its occurrence, that they had had no part in it: that the convoy had been attacked from the ground by another coalition. However substantial photo, video and eyewitness documentation have proven this tacitly false and have shown that Russian and Syrian forces were in fact the perpetrators of this terrible crime. Regardless of whether the bombing of humanitarian aid workers and civilians were committed with criminal intent, though many strongly believe that they were, the bombings were at the very least “reckless” and “indiscriminate”, and, as such, constitute war crimes under the Rome Statute. Furthermore, some evidence showed that the planes had dropped non-precision bombs and/or incendiary weapons. If the latter is proven to be true, Russia will be in violation of the 1980 UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, to which the Russian Federation signed on as a state party (Hokayem, 2013). </span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ul style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Main goals: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">keep Assad in power, rebuff US influence in the region, end European sanctions.</span></div>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Allegations of human rights abuses:</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Russia stands accused of violations of the UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, and bombings of civilians and aid workers.</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b><br />
<ol start="4" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ISIL</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant is a Salafi Jihadist group, or unrecognized state. They operate mostly as a military group, and are followers of the most extreme form of Wahhabi Islam. ISIL rose to notoriety in 2014, following its massive offenses in Iraq, the Sinjar Massacre and the capture of Mosul, during which time it made a name for itself through the use of extreme terrorist tactics and its widespread publishing of videos of beheadings (Ahram, 2015). Recognized by most nations as a terrorist organization, ISIL has deep historical roots in the regions, stemming from Al Qaeda affiliates in 1999, and participating in Iraqi insurgency in 2003 against American forces (</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Hegghammer, 2011)</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. The group claims to be a state and a caliphate and, as such, to have moral, religious and military authority over all Muslims. The group has been roundly rejected by nearly every Muslim group and coalition, but still holds immense power in the Iraqi region and has managed to launch large scale terror attacks against opposition parties and foreign governments over the last few years. The presence of operatives in foreign countries and it's frightening capability with digital technology have made ISIL a frightening adversary indeed, but most reports show that the group is losing traction and territory consistently at this point (Ahram, 2015).</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ul style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Main goals: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Seize as much regional territory as possible, execute opposition, practice and spread extremist interpretations of Wahhabi Islam</span></div>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Allegations of human rights abuses:</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> War Crimes: killings of civilians on a massive scale killings of hundreds of prisoners of war, summary executions, rape as a weapon of war, sexual slavery, use of child soldiers, use of chemical weapons, Crimes against humanity: systematic persecution of religious minorities (forced conversions), sexual slavery, mass executions and beheadings, destruction of cultural and religious heritage, Genocide: ethnic cleansings in Northern Iraq on an “historic scale” (Ahram, 2015)</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="5" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Saudi Arabia</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Since the summer of 2013, Saudi Arabia has made a name for itself as the single largest financier of Syrian rebel groups, and as the largest provider of arms and ammunition, especially Balkan-made, heavy artillery weaponry. These large scale deliveries of arms began in 2012, and were said to have been given in an effort to counter the effects of the massive influx of finances and arms from Iran to the Syrian government forces. Like Qatar, the funds have reached groups across the full spectrum of anti-Assad forces, including Army of Conquest and its Al Qaeda affiliates. A number of political conflicts between Saudi Arabia and its neighbors resulted in the arrangement of Saudi-funded training facilities being established in Jordan. Saudi Arabia’s intelligence agency was instrumental in 2012 in convincing the United States to take seriously the claims that chemical weapons were being utilized in the fight. It was also revealed in 2013 that the Saudi government had forced death-row inmates to fight against Assad’s forces to avoid beheading. The capital and stronghold of ultra-orthodox Wahhabi Islam practice, the use of traditional capital punishment in Saudi Arabia is widespread and often practiced extrajudicially. Collaboration in Middle East conflicts like this one, along with an addictive, oil-soaked alliance have made breaks with the Saudi government over human rights violation (which are extremely well documented) extremely rare and very politically challenging.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In 2015 after two rounds of negotiations in Vienna, Saudi Arabia hosted a conferences for the multitude of Syrian opposition groups, both political and military, though it notably excluded Kurdish factions. The goal was to come to an agreement about a common political platform, in order to initiate negotiations with the Syrian loyalists, and by the end of the conference a military alliance between approximately 30 Muslim states was established in opposition Assad, though pundits question the efficacy of this group in practice.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ul style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Main goals: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Remove Bashar al-Assad from power and destroy ISIL through common Muslim coalition, eliminate threats to the oil market such as ISIL capture of oil resources</span></div>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: disc; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Allegations of human rights abuses:</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> forcing of death-row prisoners to participate in battle</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
<hr />
<br />
<h2>
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Paths to Accountability</span></h2>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">With so many egregious violations of human rights principles, it is despicable to imagine that the participants in this conflict could simply walk away freely. Yet with a devilishly complex and tangled web of players, and with such specific ICC regulations about case referrals, it is proving difficult to bring the perpetrators of these crimes to justice. Without a unanimous referral by the UN Security Council, the ICC cannot take on the case of crimes committed in a non-member state. Other mass atrocities have been tried and perpetrators have been convicted in the past; we know that when the international community comes together with a determination to bring justice, it can be accomplished. Still, no two cases are the same, and every time the process takes an enormous amount of political goodwill and cooperation, collaboration structurally and financially between a wide array of countries, often overlooking political alliances and tensions for a greater cause. What is unique in Syria’s case and what are some possible paths towards accountability?</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /><br /><br /><br /></b><br />
<h3>
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">International Criminal Court </span></h3>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The sad truth is that unless Russia and China have a major change of heart, there is little hope for ICC involvement in Syria at the present time. Without a referral from the security council, the most the ICC would be able to do is to prosecute participants in the conflict who are nationals of ICC member states, such as Jordan, France, the United Kingdom or Tunisia, an action which Prosecutor Bensouda has actively threatened to take (ICC, 2015). Based upon most investigations, however, it does not appear that the foreign fighters the international intelligence community has been able to identify are high enough up in their ranks to be considered by the ICC as viable defendants. It appears that, for now, the ICC’s hands are tied from every angle.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Russia’s alliance with the Syrian government is probably the biggest complicating factor in terms of prosecution because they hold a great deal of power internationally in arenas like the UN. However, if the Syrian conflict continues on in this way for much longer, the political and economic costs of supporting Assad’s government will likely at some point overtake the benefits for Russia, and at that time it may eventually be possible to pry the Kremlin’s grip off the Security Council veto. Still, most countries would rather not see cases brought to the ICC that are likely to result in verdicts of their own culpability. Some suggest that Russian officials could be offered immunity, or even that Russia could be offered state immunity in the proceedings if it would enable the ICC to move forward, but these suggestions are on dubious legal footing and a path forward from there is unclear.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<h3>
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 700; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Alternatives to ICC Trials</span></h3>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In the past, there has been success in trying perpetrators of human rights violations with temporary tribunals, such as those in the former Yugoslavia, in Rwanda or in Timor-Leste. However, these tribunals are extremely costly and difficult to establish, and the ICC was developed specifically to replace these temporary courts with a permanent institution. Nevertheless, if the establishment of an ad-hoc tribunal would enable the trial of perpetrators of atrocities, it is a path worth considering. The tribunal would have to be established by agreement between the UN General Assembly and Syria, or by some regional organization. Some experts have even </span><a href="http://www.publicinternationallawandpolicygroup.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Chautauqua-Blueprint-2014.pdf" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #1155cc; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">mapped out a blueprint</span></a><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of how to organize it. </span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">There are a few distinct advantages to the tribunals: they are usually directly on-site, rather than isolated in the Hague, (which can make evidence-gathering more streamlined), most are hybrids (including both local and international judges and other personnel who may be more responsive to and aware of local conditions) and, most importantly, they do not require the consent of all major world powers, like agreements made through the UN Security Council do. Russia and China would not have to be consulted.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">However, tribunals also have major drawbacks. They are expensive to establish and maintain, (the proceedings last years and inevitably take longer than planned), and very difficult to recruit for; because they are by nature temporary, they offer no career or future to those judges and personnel who agree to lend their talents.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The establishment of a temporary criminal court is an option, but certainly not an easy one. It is difficult to imagine how it would unfold in Syria; likely we would have to wait for a successor regime before attempting to move forward, as was done in Cambodia. Perhaps the indictments of some, if not all, of the players in the war could begin sooner, and in a time of greater international cooperation the tribunal could continue on to the more controversial and complex indictments. As we know from Yugoslavia and Rwanda, these processes tend to take a decade or two at least, so there would be time to wait out the Trump administration and perhaps the Assad regime while the start of the tribunal was underway.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
<hr />
<h2>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Reasons for Hope</span></b></h2>
<br />
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Although it is easy to view Syria as a lost cause from an international justice perspective, there is reason for optimism moving forward. The search to identify foreign nationals who have participated at top levels in the Syrian civil war is by no means over; the Prosecutor of the Court has made this clear. Furthermore, a discussion is beginning among international law experts regarding Assad’s former life in London, where he worked as an ophthalmologist for six years between 1988 and 1994, before his return to Syria and his involvement in politics. Some experts wonder whether this fact could possibly be a foothold in the fight against impunity; what was Assad’s legal status as a resident of London? In order to hold medical certification, most countries require some kind of permanent status in the nation. The British, as citizens of a country who has ratified the Rome Statute are eligible to be tried by the ICC. Did Assad’s ophthalmology license give him anything close to nationality? Serious investigations are underway to seek answers for questions like these, and we can only hope that their results with arm us with tools to proceed. </span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The other good news is that there is no state and very few parties that would protest an indictment of major ISIL commanders. Their determination to annihilate and alienate all major world powers may in the end be their undoing. Assad has continually claimed that to cease fire on the rebel groups would enable terrorist groups like ISIL to set deeper roots in the region. This may or may not actually be his motivation for such brutality against the Syrian people, but if we take him at his anti-ISIL word and assume that Russia and China plan to uphold their loyalty to him as well, there may actually be a chance at achieving a Security Council consensus to refer ISIL’s war crimes and crimes against humanity to the ICC. They are by no means the only perpetrators of large-scale atrocities in Syria, but seeing them brought to justice is a goal that almost every country, powerful or not, can agree on. If nothing else, there is likely a path forward there. </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">We will not likely see justice brought to all perpetrators of human rights violations in Syria any time within the next few decades, but there will come a time when the administrations of the major international powers are more amenable to cooperation with the international justice community and the ICC can proceed in earnest. In the meantime we must never let the people of Syria forget that the world is watching, and that the crimes committed against them will not go unpunished. The evidence and testimony exist and the Court is in place to hear it, no matter how long that takes to come to fruition. Someday these factors will combine, and perpetrators will be held accountable. If there is a way to indict ISIL, the international community will demand it. Until that day, we have an obligation to maintain intense pressure on our national and international institutions and demand that they invest in and work towards initiatives to bring relief to the Syrian people. What is happening in Syria is simply too horrific to be disregarded by the international community, and we have faith that, ultimately, these atrocities will not go unpunished.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
<hr />
<h2>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Sources</span></b></h2>
<br />
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Ahram, Ariel I. "Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS." </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Survival</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. 2015.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="2" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Akhavan, Payam. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: The politics and pragmatics of punishment." </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The American Journal of International Law</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 90.3 (1996): 501-510.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="3" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Allison, Roy. "Russia and Syria: explaining alignment with a regime in crisis." </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">International Affairs</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 89.4 (2013): 795-823.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="4" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Aras, Bülent, and Rabia Karakaya Polat. "From conflict to cooperation: Desecuritization of Turkey's relations with Syria and Iran." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Security Dialogue </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">39.5 (2008): 495-515.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="5" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bakker, Edwin, Christophe Yves Marie Paulussen, and Eva Entenmann. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Dealing with European Foreign Fighters in Syria: Governance Challenges & Legal Implications</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, ICCT, 2013.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="6" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bhardwaj, Maya. "Development of Conflict in Arab Spring Libya and Syria: From Revolution to Civil War." </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Washington University International Review </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">1.1 (2012): 76-97.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="7" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Black, Ian. "Russia and China veto UN move to refer Syria to International Criminal Court." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Guardian</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 22 (2014).</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="8" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Blanchard, Christopher M., Carla E. Humud, and Mary Beth D. Nikitin. "Armed conflict in Syria: overview and US response." Library of Congress, Washington D.C. Congressional Research Service, 2014. </span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="9" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Borger, Julian and Spencer Ackerman. “Russian Planes Dropped Bombs that Destroyed UN Aid Convoy, US Officials Say.” </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Guardian. </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">(2016).</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="10" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Carpenter, Ted Galen. "Tangled web: The syrian civil war and its implications." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Mediterranean Quarterly</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 24.1 (2013): 1-11.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="11" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Charap, Samuel. "Russia, Syria and the doctrine of intervention." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Survival </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">55.1 (2013): 35-41.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="12" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">El Fadl, Khaled Abou. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The great theft: Wrestling Islam from the extremists</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. New York: HarperSanFrancisco, 2005.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="13" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Fearon, James D., and David D. Laitin. "Ethnic minority rule and civil war onset." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The American Political Science Review</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 101.1 (2007): 187-193.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="14" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Gleick, Peter H. "Water, drought, climate change, and conflict in Syria." </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Weather, Climate, and Society</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 6.3 (2014): 331-340.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="15" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Hegghammer, Thomas. "The rise of Muslim foreign fighters: Islam and the globalization of Jihad." (2011).</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="16" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Hokayem, Emile. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Syria's Uprising</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. Londres, Routledge, 2013.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="17" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Human Rights Watch. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">He Didn't have to Die: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Indiscriminate Attacks by Opposition Groups in Syria. 2015.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="18" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">International Criminal Court (ICC).</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Statement of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Fatou Bensouda, on the alleged crimes committed by ISIS.</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 2015.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="19" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Infographic: ICTY Facts and Figures.</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 2016.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="20" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Jenkins, Brian Michael. "The Dynamics of Syria's Civil War." 2014.</span></div>
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</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="21" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Lanza, Adam, et al. "Syrian Civil War." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Timeline</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> (2011).</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<ol start="22" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">
<li dir="ltr" style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; list-style-type: decimal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 1pt; margin-top: 3pt;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Mallat, Chibli. "Religious militancy in contemporary Iraq: Muhammad Baqer as‐Sadr and the Sunni‐Shia paradigm." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Third World Quarterly</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 10.2 (1988): 699-729.</span></div>
</li>
</ol>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Mullins, Christopher W., David Kauzlarich, and Dawn Rothe. "The International Criminal Court and the control of state crime: Prospects and problems." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Critical Criminology</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> 12.3 (2004): 285-308.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Perthes, Volker. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Syria under Bashar al-Asad: modernisation and the limits of change</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. Routledge, 2014.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Proulx, Vincent-Joel. "Rethinking the Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court in the Post-September 11th Era: Should Acts of Terrorism Qualify As Crimes Against Humanity?." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">American University International Law Review 19</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">.5 (2004): 1009-1089.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Scharf, Michael P. "The Tools for Enforcing International Criminal Justice in the New Millennium: Lessons from the Yugoslavia Tribunal." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">DePaul L. Rev.</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">49 (1999): 925.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Stein, Mark S. "The Security Council, the International Criminal Court, and the Crime of Aggression: How Exclusive Is the Security Council's Power to Determine Aggression?." </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Indiana International & Comparative Law Review 16</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">.1 (2005).</span></div>
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<a href="https://www.usaid.gov/crisis/syria/fy16/fs02" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">"Syria Complex Emergency - Fact Sheet #2 | February 4, 2016 | U.S. Agency for International Development"</span></a><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">www.usaid.gov</span></div>
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AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-29512963903222577712017-03-16T16:23:00.001-04:002017-03-16T16:25:40.118-04:00“The High Costs of Abandoning International Law” and Implications for the International Criminal Court: A Response<div style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); -webkit-text-stroke-width: initial; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal; text-align: center;">
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<span style="-webkit-font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The Boston Globe recently published an article by Jeffrey D. Sachs titled “<a href="https://www.bostonglobe.com/opinion/2017/03/05/the-high-costs-abandoning-international-law/OXGzXIJP3th3Fc9EGNsXTN/story.html">The high costs of abandoning international law.</a>” Sachs explains the role of international law within the United States, and his points are particularly striking when examining the United States relationship with the International Criminal Court (ICC). </span></span></div>
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<b>Fact Check</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">While the article provides useful insights, there are two errors regarding the International Criminal Court in Sach’s presentation. First, the treaty that established the International Criminal Court is the Rome Statute (1998), but the article implies that the name of the treaty is the “International Criminal Court (1998).” Second, the US did not vote “against the ICC in the UN General Assembly.” The vote on the ICC occurred at the Rome Conference, not the General Assembly. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Following a Principle of Jurisdiction</span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The article emphasizes a section of the Trump Administration’s draft trade policy agenda which says:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">“Ever since the United States won its independence, it has been a basic principle of our country that American citizens are subject only to laws and regulations made by the US government – not rulings made by foreign governments or international bodies. This principle remains true today.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Yet, it has been a long-established principle of international law that anyone who commits a crime in a state, can be tried under that state’s jurisdiction. The United States has used this understanding of jurisdiction to prosecute those who are not American citizens visiting the United States, and other states have exercised jurisdiction over Americans in their territory. Hence, if abroad, American citizens are subject to the laws and regulations of the state they are in, regardless of what American laws dictate. This principle of jurisdiction has not typically been one in contention.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The dismissal of this principle is not new. As Sachs acknowledges, many politicians reiterated this misunderstanding about international law. In fact, they relied on this incorrect notion of a jurisdictional clash in many of their explanations as to why the US would not ratify or accede to the Rome Statute. American politicians have repudiated the idea that if American citizens are responsible for crimes under the Rome Statute’s jurisdiction in the territory of state parties to the ICC, they can fall under the ICC’s jurisdiction. This idea is not out-of-step with how states have exercised jurisdiction for centuries. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In American Interests</span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The article also examines the notions of “US primacy” and “American actions alone.” Both ideas foster anti-multilateralism, arguing that the US does not need international cooperation to secure its interests. However, the article notes that various international treaties demonstrate the necessity of international legal agreements for our society to function, and for US interests in “America’s security and economic interests – in the sea, or the environment, or armaments” to be maintained. There are a plethora of regulations and institutions established under international law that benefit Americans. For example, the international aviation law allows planes to fly without running into each other, </span>international<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"> maritime law allows ships to carry cargo between states and international postal law allow letters to be delivered. These branches of law have created institutions and regulations that facilitate these functions, which further the interests of the United States. The United States must remain a part of these treaties for our standard of life to be maintained. In other words, the US cannot act alone in the world, if it wishes to maintain its interests. Global problems exist that impact Americans and require global solutions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">One of these solutions is the ICC. It is in the United States’ interests that justice prevails and that the world brings those responsible for atrocities to justice. US practical support for various ICC cases, its War Crimes Rewards Program and its Security Council vote for referral of Libya to the ICC evince these interests. The United States cannot procure global justice, peace and security alone. Nor is it in our interest to try doing so.</span></span></div>
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<b>History of Resistance from Politicians, not the Public</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The article also correctly acknowledges that these myths are not merely a problem of the Trump Administration. Recent US history features resistance to international law, and its refusal to accede to the Rome Statute is invariably a symbol of such opposition. However, while politicians might not support the Rome Statute and other international treaties, several treaties, including the Rome Statute enjoy very broad public support in the US. In fact, a poll by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs found that 72% of Americans thought the US should “participate” in the Rome Statute, and this is not partisan support. 65% of “core Trump Supporters” agreed that the US should support the ICC. This public support has persisted despite the failure of politicians to ratify or accede to these treaties.</span></span></div>
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<span style="-webkit-font-kerning: none;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><i>Written by Taylor Ackerman</i></span></span></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-57323229725919284752017-03-07T08:00:00.000-05:002017-03-07T08:00:29.235-05:00Rule of Law<b id="docs-internal-guid-823925c9-a8d7-a63d-54cf-84c1791c2321" style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In its December newsletter, President Lucinda Low of the American Society of International Law (ASIL) took a diplomatic but strong stance on the importance of continued American support for and engagement with the International Criminal Court (ICC). Although ASIL is a non-partisan organization and very rarely issues policy positions, its mission has “implicit policy values embedded in its core” she wrote, including “a belief in international law and support for the rule of law in the conduct of international relations.” </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">For experts like Low on international law, the dawn of the Trump era is uniquely worrying: all signs point to a stepping back by America from international treaties and tribunals. If this proves true, she asks, “what measures should take up the slack to ensure there is accountability for internationally wrongful conduct?” Her piece in the newsletter also focused in on some of the legal challenges that the US will likely face in 2017, from the refugee crisis in Syria to sanction policy and the free flow of information and ideas. American values, and the values of her organization will be put to the test harshly in the time to come. Like many other authorities in the field, Low worries that our new administration lacks the experience-- and the temperament-- to properly handle delicate issues of foreign policy and international relations.</span></div>
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<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ASIL has a long and proud history of support for international legal institutions. In 1943, the group adopted a resolution stating that, (1) “the administration of international justice requires a permanent international judicial system with obligatory jurisdiction” and that (2) “instrumentalities, agencies and procedures should be instituted and developed to declare and make effective the considerable will of the Community of Nations”. Since that time, ASIL has been involved in important work to further the US’s role in international legal systems and represents, to date, a powerful cornerstone for the international law community in the United States. ASIL is a highly respected institution on international law; their support for international legal institutions is critical and influential because of its overall position in the field. As a Special Consultant to the Economic and Social Council for the UN, ASIL works to forward international justice through the rule of law by way of advocacy work, research initiatives, education and publications.</span></div>
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<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">ASIL is not the only major American legal association with a strong public stance on participation in the ICC; The American Bar Association (ABA) has an entire domain of its website dedicated to its large-scale ICC project, where it shares resources about the US relationship with the Court, and where it endorses and actively follows current events on American partnership with the Court and runs its active advocacy for the ICC. According to their website, “the project’s mission is to strengthen, regularize, and broaden U.S. engagement with the ICC.” The ABA has been a vocal supporter of permanent international justice tribunals since 1978; they took part in the negotiations resulting in the Rome Statute (the ICC’s founding document) from 1995-1998 and were present at most important historical moments for the Court since then. (Details can be found on their website). The ABA provides support for what they call “the crucial mandate of the ICC” through advocacy and education as well as through practical legal assistance, arranging platforms for exchange of legal expertise and best practices between domestic American and ICC lawyers. In 2000, the ABA’s House of Delegates passed a resolution explicitly endorsing the ICC and recommending America’s accession to the Rome Statute. The timing of this resolution was especially important; it was released as the relationship between the US and the ICC was just developing. The resolution specifically highlighted similarities between the Rome Statute and the US Constitution and Bill of Rights. The ABA’s message was clear: the ICC’s mission is consistent with and complementary to American values.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The commitments made by these two organizations represent a major commitment by the American legal community: a commitment to grow and strengthen US ties with the ICC. These endorsements are more than symbolic, they are an extraordinary manifestation of the real, dedicated interest that Americans have in international justice. Public opinion polls regarding US participation in the ICC have rarely been more favorable than in the last few years.</span></div>
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<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Never, though, has America seen a presidential administration so openly hostile to international cooperation or with such flippant disregard for the rule of law in its political dealings. Based on the first month of the Trump presidency, it is rather difficult to imagine a scenario in which the US’ relationship with the ICC would improve substantively over the next four years: Trump has not been shy in expressing his “America first” sentiments. He openly disdains participation in multilateral organizations, especially those with the potential to exert control over United States interests.</span></div>
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<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">With Trump at the helm, American values of liberty, justice and democracy will be put to the test perhaps as never before. If Trump abandons the US’s positive relationship with the Court, or threatens to, the commitment of American lawyers to the ICC will require them to take an unequivocal stand against these actions, which constitute an attack on the rule of law.</span></div>
<b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The standing up of lawyers must be part of a larger movement by civil society to exert constant and intense pressure on the Trump administration to preserve and strengthen the United States’ relationship with the International Criminal Court. Americans will not accept regression as a political platform or as policy in practice. We will not stand idly by as the degradation of justice and the rule of law on a domestic or international scale takes place in our name. In the words of Martin Luther King Jr., injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. Americans understand that when perpetrators of mass atrocities go unpunished anywhere in the world, people everywhere in the world pay the price.</span></div>
<div dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.656; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">We hope that you will continue to follow AMICC for further resources and opportunities in for advocacy and support for the ICC in the US. Help us deliver a message from the American people to the US government that strengthening our bonds with the Court can only serve to further American goals and ideals. Success for the ICC is success for American values and for the American people.</span></div>
<br /><br /><br /><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Written by: Kalila Jaeger</span>AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-78787329871705791672017-02-27T14:00:00.001-05:002017-02-27T14:00:47.421-05:00Responses to 5 "Alternative Facts" about the ICC<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEmrwe4J5LtQ7JZp96WSK9w4mEhMWRcMT0XU1uyUJ9ROmhjAnq1cz7quIqxm7wCgQUcjeSK9nWuIzyrntJQ2N3CNzHxGt_-MK2aNNhAgp5otu8G6JlEdyfuP7FqoLhShloX17uvg/s1600/ICC+building.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEmrwe4J5LtQ7JZp96WSK9w4mEhMWRcMT0XU1uyUJ9ROmhjAnq1cz7quIqxm7wCgQUcjeSK9nWuIzyrntJQ2N3CNzHxGt_-MK2aNNhAgp5otu8G6JlEdyfuP7FqoLhShloX17uvg/s320/ICC+building.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">UN Photo/Rick Bajornas</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">There are facts, and there are falsehoods. However, in the
past month, the euphemism “alternative facts” has emerged to confuse the two,
and there are few institutions more likely to be challenged by
misunderstandings and myths than the International Criminal Court (ICC). So, to
help decipher what is factual and what is not, we would like to address five
alternative facts about the ICC with actual facts.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>“Alternative Fact”: </b>Americans
do not want to participate with the Court.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Fact:</b>
The majority of Americans support US participation the Court. According to the
2016 Chicago Council on Global Affairs survey, 72% of Americans think the US
should to participate in “the agreement on the International Criminal Court
that can try individuals for war crimes, genocide, or crimes against humanity
if their own country won’t try them.” Furthermore, the Court receives
bipartisan public support—79% of Democrats, 67% of Republicans and 65% of Core
Trump Supporters agree that the US ought to participate in the Rome Statute. In
a repeated phenomenon, Americans have consistently polled in favor of American
participation in the Court, and support for the Court has seen an upward trend
in the US.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>“Alternative Fact”: </b>The
Court is an unprofessional body made up of unqualified individuals.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Fact: </b>The
Rome Statute places strong criteria for judges, there are no recent examples of
unprofessional behavior by any personnel, and all of the current judges are
highly qualified. The only exception was Judge Fumiko Saiga, who was not a
lawyer and had limited knowledge of international law, but Judge Saiga is no
longer on the court, having died shortly after her appointment. The
international community learned from the appointment and modified the process
of nomination as a result. Now, an independent committee of experts review all
nominations for the judiciary. As a result, nominating countries present only
candidates that the panel will decide are qualified. Under current practice, it
is unlikely for states to nominate an unqualified person.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>“Alternative Fact”: </b>Only
the most violent atrocities should be prosecuted at the ICC. The conviction and
prosecution of Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi for his intentional destruction of
religious and historical buildings undermined the Court.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Fact: </b>The
ICC did not convict Al Mahdi for a bloody atrocity, but for the war crime of
the destruction of internationally recognized sites of cultural and religious
significance in Timbuktu. These sites were a UNESCO world heritage location.
The conviction was appropriate given that not all war crimes include physical
attacks on human beings . The Rome Statute makes the intentional destruction of
religious and historic buildings without a military target a war crime under
the ICC’s jurisdiction. Therefore, it was completely within the Office of the
Prosecutor’s mandate to investigate and subsequently prosecute Al Mahdi,
particularly since the Office of the Prosecutor’s evidence against Al Mahdi was
sufficient for Al Mahdi to plead guilty. If the Court had ignored the
well-established Timbuktu case, it would have violated its mandate and weakened
its legitimacy. Furthermore, it did not undermine support for the ICC. There
was widespread international support for the case and how the Court dealt with
it. Many advocates for the protection of cultural heritage applauded the case.
Lastly, the OTP’s decision to prosecute this case does not rule out further
investigations into violent crimes under the Court's jurisdiction in Mali and
subsequent arrest warrants for individuals responsible.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>“Alternative Fact”: </b>The
Court is standing on shaky ground with little support and a collective
withdrawal from African states on the horizon.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Fact: </b>The
ICC enjoys widespread support from over 120 state parties, and a threat of mass
ICC withdrawal is not as potent as many believe. The majority of African
states, as well as other state parties, voiced support for the Court at the
last ASP session. Furthermore, while panic emerged after Gambia, South Africa
and Burundi announced their intention to withdraw from the ICC, Gambia has
since rescinded its withdrawal and South Africa’s High Court ruled the
withdrawal submitted by the executive as “unconstitutional.” In response, to
African states’ complaints, the ASP took their concerns in account by proposing
a venue which these could be voiced. At the same time, the ASP insisted on
maintaining the commitment to end impunity.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>“Alternative Fact”: </b>The
Court’s inability to capture individuals that it issues arrest warrants for,
such as Omar al Bashir, the current
Sudanese President, exemplifies the Court’s failure.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Fact: </b>As
an international organization, the Court itself cannot enforce its warrants and
orders. Instead, its state parties are responsible for arresting these suspects
and transferring them to The Hague. Therefore, it is the states, which refuse
to arrest those wanted by the ICC, that are at fault, and their failure should
not be a reflection on the ICC. However, international condemnation and public
opinion and the rule of law within a state can deter such failure and provoke
accountability for those rejecting their duties under the Rome Statute. A
perfect example of such action is the recent charges brought by the South African
Democratic Alliance against officials responsible for the failure to arrest
Bashir when he was in South Africa, after international and domestic criticism.
As other states and officials, see the results of failure to uphold Rome
Statute duties they will be less inclined to follow suit. Moreover, the Court’s
docket shows that it has been able to obtain custody of a significant number of
persons under its arrest warrants.</span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><i>Written by Taylor Ackerman</i><br /> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-19916151021227234502017-02-08T12:14:00.000-05:002017-02-27T14:01:11.967-05:00Trump, and Bannon and Draft Executive Orders... Oh My! The Future of US-ICC Relations<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqYdE_8KTWxahDRyD2N9iiQ_InuhAyahnDVfqRd2nPSt0FEHwe4Bck7HOt5jDWpMbJMhzxmRfcRbvJLhmrv9o2CcIe_IAlf8flLJooEcUKNyNi1vwrRWI1H34LmNv-xL_RgHwgPg/s1600/Trump.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqYdE_8KTWxahDRyD2N9iiQ_InuhAyahnDVfqRd2nPSt0FEHwe4Bck7HOt5jDWpMbJMhzxmRfcRbvJLhmrv9o2CcIe_IAlf8flLJooEcUKNyNi1vwrRWI1H34LmNv-xL_RgHwgPg/s320/Trump.jpg" width="256" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">There
is limited amount of information about future Trump administration policy
towards the ICC. However, there are indicators of future ICC-Trump relations: a
recent draft executive order, Trump policy on international organizations,
previous consideration of notorious ICC opponent John Bolton for top foreign
policy positions, the State Department website, and Breitbart attitudes towards
the ICC. We need to analyze these because future US relations with the ICC will
impact the future of the ICC, although not as much as some fear.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Some
of the government's recent actions and policies have promoted conversations
about the risk of the US ceasing its cooperation and engagement with the ICC. A
recent article by the Center for American Progress remarked, “a Trump
presidency means that U.S. commitment to international criminal justice—and to
human rights in general—may soon be a thing of the past.” This speculation may be correct, but it can
only be just that.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">The
New York Times reported that a provision in Trump’s draft executive order
titled, </span><span lang="DE" style="line-height: 150%;">“</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">Auditing
and Reducing U.S. Funding of International Organizations,” calls for a
committee to consider cutting funds for the ICC. This provision would not mark
a change in US practice because the US can not fund the ICC. In fact, the
American Servicemembers Protection Act (ASPA) already bans US funding for the
Court. However, its existence could hint at the administration’s awareness of
and attitudes towards the ICC. Some aspects of the adversarial nature of the
administration’s first action related to the Court might be a source of concern
for future ICC-US relations. However, that is not yet clear. The provision may
only imply that the US is not likely to begin allocating funds for the Court,
or the administration may have wanted to take a symbolic stance against
increased cooperation with the ICC. The provision could mean that the
administration does not fully understand existing US law on the Court. It may
simply be the result of an administration member seeing the ICC on a list of
multi-lateral organizations. At the very least, the draft provision’s existence
means that a high-level member of the Donald Trump administration is aware of
the ICC.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Additionally,
the repeated consideration of John Bolton for top foreign policy positions has
been a source of speculation on the Trump administration’s future policies
related to the Court. During the Bush administration, Bolton spearheaded the
strategy of active opposition to the Court. Under Bolton's influence, Bush
deactivated the Rome Statute and passed the ASPA. In addition to banning the
allocation of US funds to the ICC, the ASPA authorized the use of "all
means necessary and appropriate" if the ICC takes an American citizen into
custody. Given that the administration seriously entertained the idea of
Bolton, such a firm opponent to the ICC, as the Secretary of State or Deputy
Secretary of State, it may not be likely that the Trump administration may well
not maintain their predecessors' policy of positive engagement. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Another
cause of concern has been Trump’s criticism of US engagement in international
organizations, notably the UN. Trump has shown hostility towards institutions
like the UN, and the administration has sought to leave, or cut funds, to
international organizations even where the US holds key leadership positions.
Therefore, the Trump administration may not only end the Obama relationship
with the ICC, but also could become hostile towards the Court. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">The
State Department website may be another hint about the Trump administration’s
attitudes. The site states that the </span><span lang="DE" style="line-height: 150%;">“</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">current
U.S. policy” is reflected through the May 2010 National Security Strategy:</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 27.0pt; margin-top: 0in;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="DE" style="line-height: 150%;">“</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">From Nuremberg to Yugoslavia to
Liberia, the United States has seen that the end of impunity and the promotion
of justice are not just moral imperatives; they are stabilizing forces in
international affairs. The United States is thus working to strengthen national
justice systems and is maintaining our support for ad hoc international
tribunals and hybrid courts. Those who intentionally target innocent civilians
must be held accountable, and we will continue to support institutions and
prosecutions that advance this important interest. Although the United States
is not at present a party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court, and will always protect U.S. personnel, we are engaging with State
Parties to the Rome Statute on issues of concern and are supporting the I.C.C.’s
prosecution of those cases that advance U.S. interests and values, consistent
with the requirements of U.S. law.”</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">The
fact that, after the administration has made changes to the site—including the
removal of pages and documents related to refugees and climate change, this
page remains is notable. It may merely reflect an overwhelmed and unorganized
State Department. Perhaps the Trump administration has not paid any attention
to it. Given that the National Security Strategy is state department policy
until it is replaced, it could only mean that issuing a new policy on the ICC
is not, currently, a top goal of the Trump administration. Ideally, the page's
presence is an indicator that the Trump administration will not differ
significantly from the Obama administration in its policy on the ICC. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="IT" style="line-height: 150%;">We know that Steve Bannon, Trump</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">’s chief strategist and former editor
of Breitbart, has turned some of Breitbart’s views into Trump administration
policy. Therefore, Breitbart is relevant in predicting the Trump administration’s
future attitudes towards the ICC. Inaccuracies about the Court are common on the site. An article from
January 25, 2015, stated the the ICC was located in Switzerland. This could
imply an attitude of ignorance towards the Court. In fact, under Bannon, Breitbart
was not as aggressive towards the ICC as one might suspect. Breitbart articles
have not been particularly supportive of the ICC, but they, also, did not
engage in attacks against the ICC based on sovereignty or US vulnerability. It
did not discuss US ratification of the Rome Statute. In an article about
Charles Taylor’s conviction, Breitbart acknowledged that the victims were happy
with the conviction. Nonetheless, the radical right-wing site has also written
off international criminal justice as useless for procuring peace. An article
on South African withdrawal from the Court stated, “no one could seriously believe that Adolf
Hitler would have cancelled the Holocaust out of fear of being prosecuted by
some court.” Breitbart has also questioned ICC jurisdiction over Israelis in
the Palestine situation, and it referred to potential future charges in the ICC
against Netanyahu as “trumped-up charges.” Therefore, the Trump administration
might argue the the ICC does not have jurisdiction over the Palestine
situation. Elsewhere, Breitbart does not strongly condemn the Court’s
existence, nor does it analyze US engagement with the Court. This may translate
to a Trump administration that ignores the Court, except when the Court impacts
Israel.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Under
the Obama Administration, the US assisted the Court with investigations and
participated as an observer at Assembly of States Parties (ASP) sessions. US
Special Forces have also assisted with efforts to capture high-level LRA
officials with ICC arrest warrants. Admittedly, the loss of this support would
be a setback for the ICC. ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda remarked that
withdrawal of positive US engagement with the Court would hamper the ICC.
However, it will not stunt the ICC if the US ceases to cooperate. Many
supporters of international justice misunderstand the Court and the political
situation surrounding it. Consequently, they overstate the effect that a lack
of US support would have on the ICC. It would not damage the Court. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Breitbart
assumes that the Court is standing on shaky ground, citing lack of support,
but, the ICC enjoys widespread support. Since Gambia, South Africa and Burundi
announced their intention to withdraw, new political developments in Gambia and
South Africa have occurred and it is possible that neither Gambia nor South
Africa will follow through with withdrawal. Moreover, the majority of African
state parties gave their support to the Court at last fall's ASP session. A
threat of massive ICC withdrawal is not as potent as many believe. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">If
the situations of Afghanistan and Palestine move beyond preliminary examination
at the ICC, Trump may respond with hostility. The reaction might be
particularly violent if the Court issued arrest warrants for US nationals for
crimes committed in Afghanistan. Currently, the Afghanistan situation is in
preliminary examination at the ICC. The Court has jurisdiction to prosecute
American nationals who committed Rome Statute crimes in Afghanistan, because
the Court has jurisdiction over all crimes committed on the territory of a
state party. Afghanistan is a state
party to the Rome Statute, and the Court has had jurisdiction over Rome Statute
crimes in Afghanistan since May 1, 2003. If the Court finds evidence of such
crimes, then the Court should follow through with its responsibility to fight
impunity regardless of political pressures. The Trump administration might
respond violently to an investigation or arrest warrant for an American, but it
might be incorrect to assume this would inevitably harm the Court. An
investigation or an arrest warrant would likely produce increased support from
the international community and civil society, and, a defensive reaction from
the international community would likely emerge in response to a violent
response from the Trump administration. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">However,
there is hope for future US engagement with the ICC. The Court enjoys
widespread support from the American people; 72% of Americans support the ICC
according to a poll by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. Furthermore,
criticism of the ICC has been fueled by misunderstandings. The more that is
understood about the Court, the more support that Americans will have for it.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">The
Trump administration has not released any official policy statements on the
ICC; so, it could interact with the Court in several different ways. The
administration might be a reason for concern about the future of the US-ICC
relationship. It could respond with hostility to investigations into the
situations of Afghanistan and Palestine. Or, it might maintain a neutral or
positive attitude towards the Court. The US does find the atrocities that the
Court tries to be appalling, and the Court is an effective institution to deal
with some of them. However, the administration may nonetheless even ignore the
Court. It might not accept any of its predecessor’s attitudes towards the ICC. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Even
if the US withdraws from its previous policy of positive engagement, the Court
will not fall apart. However, the broad support of 124 countries will ensure
that the Court will continue to work well. Therefore, the ICC will exist and
work to end impunity</span> <span style="line-height: 150%;">far
into the future.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><i>Written by: Taylor Ackerman</i></span></span></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-91827654231477213072017-02-06T13:10:00.000-05:002017-02-27T14:01:37.802-05:00Dwindling Momentum for Collective Withdrawal<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe</span></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Support
for the ICC at the 15th session of the Assembly of States Parties (ASP), the </span><span style="line-height: 150%;">tactical move by the ASP President
Sidiki Kaba, and internal changes in South Africa and Gambia stalled momentum
for widespread African withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Government delegations stressed the need to listen to and to address the
concerns of African state parties at the ASP, but they also committed to
continue the Court’s disregard for impunity. Concerns about withdrawal spiked
last fall when Burundi, South Africa and Gambia formally notified the United
Nations of their intentions to withdraw from the ICC. Previously, other African
states indicated that they, too, might withdraw from the Court. In Kenya,
politicians introduced a bill to leave the ICC, and, in January 2016, the
African Union (AU) authorized the development of a collective ICC withdrawal
strategy. Now, only Burundi is on the path to continue its process of
withdrawal from the ICC.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">The process of withdrawal in South Africa
confronts serious challenges. The opposition party is challenging in court the
constitutionality of plans to withdraw from the ICC. Parliament did not receive
a bill about withdrawal</span> b<span style="line-height: 150%;">efore
the government sent notification of withdrawal to the UN. Yet, South African
withdrawal from international treaties requires parliamentary approval.
Although plans to withdraw in South Africa continue, there is strong
disagreement in the South African Parliament. Additionally, at the last ASP
session, the South African Attorney General stated a desire to avoid withdrawal
from the Court.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: 12pt;">Recent regime change in the Gambia also
suggests a reversal in position. In December 2016, the new Gambian President,
President Adama Barrow, said Gambia would not withdraw from the Court. In the
interview with Deutsche Welle Africa, he said:</span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="DE" style="line-height: 150%;">“</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">There
is no need for us to leave the ICC. The ICC is advocating for good governance.
That is our principle. We are already part of the ICC. We will not leave. That
is not possible.” </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Many African states are not eager to leave
the Court. Since October 2016, no additional states have announced their
withdrawal from the ICC. Instead, at the last ASP session, a majority of
African States stated their intentions to remain members of the ICC.</span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Furthermore, there is little indication that
Kenya, one of the loudest advocates for departure from the Court, plans to
withdraw from the Rome Statute soon. The Kenyan bill to exit the ICC recently
expired, and Kenyan Civil Society called for African states to remain in the
ICC to improve it at the last ASP meeting. Furthermore, within the AU, there is
a clear division about the issue. Many members of the AU are opposed
to leaving the ICC, as shown by the debates within the AU. Moreover, the January 2017 AU Summit had signifcantly less anti-ICC rhetoric than 2016.</span></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">There has been discussion about a collective
AU withdrawal strategy; however, legally, the AU cannot collectively withdraw.
Each state is sovereign. So, each state would have to make its own decision to
leave the Court and separately notify the UN of its withdrawal from the Rome
Statute. This would impede any plans for widespread withdrawal.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">If Burundi does not reverse its withdrawal,
or other states follow suit in withdrawing, the Court will still have some
sources of jurisdiction in the former member. A state’s withdrawal from the
Court will not enter into force until one year after it notifies the UN
Secretary-General. Therefore, if crimes against humanity, war crimes or
genocide were committed between when the ICC began its jurisdiction over that
state up until a year after notification of the UN, they would remain under the
Court’s jurisdiction. Additionally, if states withdraw from the ICC, the UN Security
Council can refer the state to the Court, or a state can accept the Court’s
jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis and refer itself. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;">The impetus for African withdrawal was the
ICC arrest warrant for Omar al-Bashir, the president of Sudan. South Africa
announced its intention to leave the Court after receiving criticism for its
failure to arrest Bashir when he was in South Africa. South Africa argued that
Bashir’s head of state immunity in South Africa justified its failure to comply
with Rome Statute commitments.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; text-indent: 0.5in;">Additionally, the arrest warrant for
Bashir made state leaders realize their vulnerability to accountability for
crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide. The investigation into
current President of Kenya, Kenyatta, a sitting leader, only increased this
tension. The calls for deferment of ICC cases against state leaders reflect the
growing discomfort with accountability. The only alternative would be impunity
for state leaders, which would destroy the Court’s reason for existence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">African states proposing withdrawal have
argued that the Court is an imperialistic and western institution. The former
Gambian Information Minister even referred to the ICC as an </span><span lang="DE" style="line-height: 150%;">“</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">International Caucasian Court,” when
justifying Gambian withdrawal. However, states, civil society and individuals
from the African continent were key players in bringing the Court into
existence. Senegal was the first state to ratify the Rome Statute. Currently,
key players at the ICC are nationals of African states. Prosecutor Fatou
Bensouda is Gambian, Assembly of States Party President Sidiki Kaba is
Senegalese, and five ICC judges are from the African continent. Furthermore,
there is support for Africa within its civil society. Thus, the African state
parties to the Rome Statute have distinguished roles in leading the rule of law
movement. </span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Proponents for African withdrawal from the
ICC also cite the disproportionate amount of cases against African nationals at
the ICC. They argue that the ICC is unfairly targeting Africa and that the
Court should prosecute crimes occurring on other continents. Most supporters agree that the ICC should
expand its prosecutions beyond Africa, and the ICC has increased its efforts to
do so. Yet, it is not true that the ICC is unfairly targeting Africa. The
prosecutor did not initiate most of the situations under investigation by the
ICC. Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic,
and Mali referred their situations to the Court. The Security Council has also
referred several situations to the ICC, including Libya and Sudan. In fact, the majority of situations under
preliminary examination at the ICC are not African states. However, reducing
ICC efforts to procure accountability for genocide, crimes against humanity or
war crimes in Africa would damage the struggle against immunity in the
continent and the rule of law movement. The response to such criticism should
not call for enabling impunity for serious crimes in Africa but for increasing
accountability elsewhere.</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span>
<div class="BodyA" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">These
events indicate that there may be a dwindling momentum for widespread
African withdrawal. The ASP session indicated that the arguments for withdrawal
are self-serving and weak.</span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 150%;"><br /></span>
<span style="line-height: 150%;"><i style="background-color: white; text-indent: 48px; white-space: pre-wrap;">Written by Taylor A. Ackerman</i></span></span></div>
AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-36645282935628523772016-12-02T17:23:00.001-05:002016-12-02T17:24:04.326-05:00The International Criminal Court and Africa: Time to move beyond<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjlCUhZtt6w4NwZTMGc6XvbrKk2XTdzichL7Pj5Iopr3bmLopdfvTWoLlyDym9yZySlzjG6OTlAItmBamnJyZH-pPyarOXA0JoZtqMRJ9FjfFKamNFr7KAlBx5TRJLhyFkuEX7B/s1600/unnamed.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="194" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjlCUhZtt6w4NwZTMGc6XvbrKk2XTdzichL7Pj5Iopr3bmLopdfvTWoLlyDym9yZySlzjG6OTlAItmBamnJyZH-pPyarOXA0JoZtqMRJ9FjfFKamNFr7KAlBx5TRJLhyFkuEX7B/s320/unnamed.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; text-indent: 36pt; white-space: pre-wrap;">The nations of South Africa, Burundi and Gambia have all signaled their intention to withdraw from the Rome Statute, the court’s founding document, and as of recently, Russia has announced it intention to deactivate its signature, too. As you know, the court only has jurisdiction over the countries that have ratified the statute. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In the case of Russia, the rejection of the court is mostly symbolic, a snub after having been castigated by the UN over conduct in Crimea. However, the withdrawals have highlighted a deep rift in the African membership of the court and may have far-reaching consequences, including, many fear, a triggering of a mass exodus of those countries from the Court. African leaders have, on numerous occasions, articulated concern about bias against their continent. UN and ICC officials have over and over asserted that there is no such African bias, and that the court can and will prosecute offenders from any nation within its jurisdiction. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Critics, though, point to the fact that in its first ten years, the ICC’s investigations and prosecutions have all centered on conflicts in Africa, including the issuance of arrest warrants for two African heads of state. The truth of the matter is, there </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">has </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">been a pattern of investigating cases based out of Africa, a glance at the statistics on ICC indictments will show as much, and it's understandable that African political leaders would feel frustrated with what they perceive as a hypocritical system claiming to dole out justice. As we in the advocacy world know, there is more than enough injustice and atrocity to go around: </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">plenty </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">in Europe, the Americas and Asia as well in the African continent. So why have African countries seen the brunt of all international enforcement mechanisms? The explanation is multifaceted.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">First, we must address a question of logistics. African countries account for 34 of the 124 ICC signatories; that’s nearly a third of the Court’s membership. If the ICC can only prosecute member states, then it makes sense that African nations should see a high volume of investigations. However, even if you account for that proportion, we shouldn’t be seeing the kind of statistics that we’re seeing now, with nearly all prosecutions being carried out against African countries. What are the missing pieces?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">We must remember that many, many guilty countries have not even signed, let alone ratified, the Rome Statute, and are therefore out of the ICC’s jurisdiction. Nations who know they might be charged with war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide or crimes of aggression have tended to stay far away from ratification: for example, our own United States. Why make ourselves vulnerable to those prosecutions unnecessarily? Although the ICC is keenly aware of atrocities carried out by the likes of America, Israel, China, North Korea and Saudi Arabia, for example, there is little the Court can do to hold participants accountable. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">From this fact follows the logic that ICC and UN representatives have posited over and over again: the path to justice will entail a </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">wider </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">acceptance of the Rome Statute and ICC standards, not a narrowing of membership. Those countries that decry the African exodus from the Court must act to expand the reach of the Court and ensure that other nations and other continents are held accountable as well. It’s not that we should back off of African cases, but that we should be more fiercely pursuing other continents’ as well. Furthermore, it is very important to note that the vast majority of the African cases were brought to the ICC by referral from African countries, or by the Security Council. Even as the withdrawals of African nations began, referrals from other African countries (such as Mali) continued, requesting the Court to investigate cases on their own soil. To some, this invalidates the claims of bias; how can the ICC be accused of prejudice when the African cases before it have been referred to it by the countries concerned or by the UN? If anything, other regions of the world should be following Africa’s example, and pushing for the indictment of brutal leaders in their own territories rather than protecting them. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">However, it would be a grave oversight and disingenuous to paper over the real genesis of the bias debate. We have to ask ourselves: even if, for example, the United States, Russia and Israel did ratify the Rome Statute, do we truly believe that investigations and prosecutions would be conducted and indicted in a fashion identical to those of African nations? Would there be the same kind of universal political support for the charges, a celebration of the riddance of corruption and violence? Arrest warrants? We are decades away from the kind of political will it would take to extradite US heads of State. Why are we so eager to see it done in other parts of the world?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Although the ICC aims to operate without bias, even international justice advocates are not exempt from ingrained prejudices from vestiges of colonialism. These prejudices, whether conscious or unconscious, have made prosecuting African nations an easy political maneuver, and their effects are manifest everywhere. Geopolitical superpowers like the United States, for example, occupy critical positions of power on the UN Security Council. (This privilege, of course, means that the Rome Statute’s safeguard to allow prosecution of non-members by way of a Security Council referral simply does not apply to the United States, or to Russia or to China.) Even if the Security Council’s veto loophole were somehow abolished, it’s difficult to believe that countries with the sort of political clout that the US carries would be treated equally in the eyes of the court. Cases from powerful nations are absolutely as critical, but the political hurdles to investigation and prosecution are exponentially higher. But where did that privilege come from?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">It is critical to remember that our current geopolitical hierarchy was born out of a long history of colonialism and imperialism. “Developed” or “first world” nations that now occupy top positions in international or multilateral organizations, those that set the standards for international justice, did not simply land there. Nations that are referred to as “developing” or “third world” were not created lesser: they were looted and occupied, their people subjugated by foreign powers for centuries leading up to our modern political climate. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Our rhetoric regarding global order betrays our implicit bias towards and admiration of countries that have historically strong-armed their way into political power through the use of the type of atrocity and violence we now seek to condemn. Centuries later, even as we create new alliances, pledge aid and sign treaties, the specters of our past inform our current relations. The backbone of West Europe is made up of countries with more than their fair share of dark history. In many cases, African countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (which has seen </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">seven</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> individuals tried by the ICC to date) were torn apart by the absolute brutality of European colonialism barely 100 years ago: that this nation is battling political instability is little wonder. Where infrastructure is weak, dictatorship, political violence and atrocity always find a home. Conversely, the nations who have been geopolitical powers since the 18th century are those whose pockets were lined often by the pillaging of the African continent. It is ignorant and reductionist to overlook this aspect of foreign relations, even as it applies to the formation of and the conduction of the ICC. It is certainly understandable, given this history, that African nations would be angered by a caseload that seems to convey that atrocities are committed only on their continent and by their nationals. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">So what can we do? First and foremost, and as always, AMICC advocates for US ratification of the Rome Statute. Although the ICC has, in the past, been willing to take African cases exclusively, we must not find fault with the strong position the Court has taken in Africa, but rather the </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">weak</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> position it has taken in other regions. That is to say, rather than relaxing prosecutions in African countries, the Court needs to intensify its commitment to upholding standards of justice </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">globally</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, and work to expand its membership and work around loopholes in its jurisdiction</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">.</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> The ICC has made a start on this by beginning preliminary examinations into UK actions in Iraq and American actions in Afghanistan, though the proceedings will take quite some time to develop. There must be a hard push towards prosecuting wealthy and white countries if we are to counter the claims of imperialism, colonialism and bias in the Court. If the ICC is to successfully resist populism, imperialism and neocolonialism, it must demonstrate absolutely to other international organizations and to the world that it will effectively and diligently pursue cases from major countries. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The United States and Europe cannot decry the African withdrawals from the Court while simultaneously expecting immunity for atrocities committed by their own nationals. There is no room in an international justice organization for neocolonialism. The ICC cannot allow itself or its caseload and standards of justice to be influenced by world powers, all of whom arrived at their position through subjugation of other nations. Moreover, the Court cannot give a free pass to those powerful countries on their crimes while we continuing to take cases from those countries who still have less political capital and clout. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-size: large;"><i>Written by Kalila K. Jaeger</i></span></span></div>
AMICC Secretariathttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06071089967925594515noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36913843.post-82378815250725417562016-11-29T11:51:00.000-05:002016-11-29T12:22:46.140-05:00Will Americans be charged at the International Criminal Court for war crimes in Afghanistan? <br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEja4uU2vE9JatFiWx-pDSXnYNMnPuZjTr4VjZeR516Dj8bIxMair3Q9Sli4-pGQqWVRapNVyIC2qKH6psRJQIQA0c3AmlvefUs7by2UZWDTINWL9hgRGUUQyZU6oN_9tFDuKQ9d4Q/s1600/AFGHANISTAN.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEja4uU2vE9JatFiWx-pDSXnYNMnPuZjTr4VjZeR516Dj8bIxMair3Q9Sli4-pGQqWVRapNVyIC2qKH6psRJQIQA0c3AmlvefUs7by2UZWDTINWL9hgRGUUQyZU6oN_9tFDuKQ9d4Q/s320/AFGHANISTAN.png" width="320" /></a></div>
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The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court is currently conducting a preliminary examination of crimes in Afghanistan which may well lead to a formal investigation against US nationals. What does this mean and what are the probabilities that US citizens are actually brought to the ICC? This is the analysis of AMICC.<br />
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Background<br />
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The preliminary examination in Afghanistan started in 2007 and for nine years the Office of the Prosecutor has been conducting a preliminary examination of possible war crimes and crimes against humanity. If the Court decides to proceed, the next step would be to open a formal investigation in Afghanistan that includes interviewing witnesses, taking testimony and gathering forensic evidence, after which a trial might be started.<br />
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Afghanistan has been a member of the Court since May 1st 2003, which means that the court has jurisdiction over crimes committed on its territory or by its nationals since that date. The US signed the founding document of the ICC, the Rome Statute, under President Clinton, but George W. Bush deactivated the signature, citing fears that Americans would be unfairly prosecuted for political reasons. But even though the US is not a member of the Court, its nationals might be prosecuted for crimes committed on Afghan territory.<br />
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The alleged crimes have been committed during the operation of the US-led coalition against the Taliban and in support of the Afghan military. The Office of the Prosecutor has determined that there is a reasonable basis to believe that all sides of the conflict are responsible for crimes against humanity and war crimes. The investigations will most probably focus on the crimes committed by the Taliban and by the Afghan military. However, the Prosecutor has affirmed that the US-led coalition is also under investigation for alleged war crimes, and more specifically torture and ill-treatment in secret detention facilities operated by the CIA between 2003 and 2004.<br />
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The US-led international coalition has also been under investigations for a great number of civilian casualties but the Prosecutor has concluded that the strikes did not target civilians deliberately and therefore could not be classified as war crimes.<br />
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ICC’s Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda has concluded that at least 88 detainees have been subjected to torture, cruel treatment, rape and/or outrages upon personal dignity while being in US custody. In addition, the Prosecutor is investigating cases of related CIA interrogations of Afghan nationals in detention facilities in Poland, Romania and Lithuania. These crimes are not isolated cases but were part of the policy of the so-called “enhanced interrogation techniques” approved at senior levels of the US government during the George W. Bush administration. These were mostly put to an end after 2004 but might have continued sporadically up until 2014.<br />
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Will US citizens be brought to the ICC?<br />
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The International Criminal Court functions as a court of last resort and respects the principle of complementarity. This means that it would not be able to prosecute alleged crimes of US nationals if these are already prosecuted by US courts in good faith. The US has claimed that it has carried out more than 70 trials and close to 200 investigations that have resulted in non-judicial punishment. US State Department spokeswoman Elizabeth Trudeau has praised the US “robust national system of investigation and accountability” and has said that ICC investigations would be unwarranted and inappropriate.
However, Bensouda has found that most of the cases that have been investigated so far have been about Iraq and there have been no American prosecutions of cases from Afghanistan that might fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Bensouda has also expressed concerns that the review conducted by the Department of Justice of alleged CIA abuses had a limited scope because it investigated only “unauthorized” interrogation techniques. Consequently. only two criminal investigations were conducted and none of them resulted in an indictment because of lack of evidence. Bensouda will have to demonstrate that the small number of investigations and the absence of indictments shows that the US has not fulfilled the requirements of complementarity.<br />
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It is unclear when the Prosecutor will announce her decision on whether to start a formal investigation –international law expert David Bosco has claimed that according to “multiple sources,” the announcement will probably come after the elections but before the end of the year.<br />
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But even if an investigation is initiated, US citizens may not be brought before the Court because everything depends on the evidence available from interviews with witnesses, testimonials and forensic materials that will be gathered during the investigation. The process is prone to take a long time and will be delayed by the internal mechanisms of the Court that require an approval by a three-judge panel. According to David Bosco, another obstacle to investigations would be the possible reticence of the Afghan government to provide access and support to ICC experts given that its officials will be investigated for war crimes.<br />
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And if and when a trial is opened, the defendants will need to be delivered physically to the Court because the ICC does not conduct trials in absentia. This might become another obstacle to prosecution because the US would not easily surrender a citizen to the Court. If that US citizen were to be delivered to the ICC by another state, the US might use the Bilateral Immunity Agreements that the Bush administration has signed with over 100 countries. These BIAs aim to ensure that if there is a request to transfer a US citizen to the Court, this would not be done without the permission of the US. The Rome Statute does not authorize such agreements which violate states’ obligations to the Court, but the US might resort to them if its national is located in another state.<br />
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For the Court to be able to complete its functions effectively, it requires the cooperation and good will of states. In the recent case against the Deputy Prime Minister of Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta, the Prosecutor has been forced to withdraw the charges and suspend the case because of the lack of and tampering with evidence, witness intimidation and lack of cooperation by the Kenyan government. Taking into account the reluctance of the US to recognize the legitimacy of the investigations of its citizens by the ICC, it is not impossible that the case ends in a deadlock if there is insufficient political will to cooperate with the Court.<br />
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The Rome Statute establishes that the Court should prosecute the individuals who bear the biggest responsibility for a given crime, which would mean that former senior officials might face the risk of prosecution. The Court will almost certainly find it difficult to do this for officials such as George W. Bush. Dick Chaney and directors of the CIA because the US will not make them available to the court for trial.<br />
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US officials insist on the principle of state sovereignty maintain that the ICC should not exercise jurisdiction over nationals of nonmember states and would not recognize the legitimacy of the Court if it does so. The Court does respect state sovereignty through the principle of complementarity, but it is fundamentally designed to prosecute the gravest violations of human rights and to ensure justice when national systems fail to deliver it.<br />
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The US has been a strong supporter of bringing several cases to the ICC, including Libya and South Sudan which were referred to the Court by the UN Security Council. However, the US cannot expect other countries to comply with the Court, to prosecute senior officials or expect them not to withdraw from the Court if it does not live up to these expectations itself. The US needs to prove that its commitment to international justice is not hypocritical and applies also to its own crimes. And the only way to do this and to ensure that the ICC does not prosecute US citizens is to conduct genuine and effective investigations and trials itself.<br />
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It is difficult to predict the reaction of the US government under the administration of Donald Trump if a formal investigation is initiated. he fact that Trump has said he is in favor of harsh interrogation techniques such as waterboarding and may re-authorize their use speaks to how controversial this case might become. The US relationship with the Court that became increasingly friendly during the Obama administration might worsen, but AMICC is determined to maintain and extend American public support for the ICC.
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<i style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 13px;">Written by Iva Gumnishka</i>AMICChttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08784640515201426040noreply@blogger.com0