Debate over whether or not the Palestinian Authority (PA)
should and will seek access to the International Criminal Court (ICC) has continued
to mount, but this time with a new element. In speculating about accomplishing
lasting peace between Israel and Palestine, some have suggested that the
Authority use it’s potential involvement in the ICC as a bargaining chip in
peace negotiations. In exchange for
Israeli concessions in the negotiations, commentators have proposed that the
Palestinian Authority freeze it’s pursuit of involvement in the Court and thus
forgo jurisdiction of the Court in it’s territory. Read full articles by
Daniel Kurtzer here, and by
Dennis Ross here.
If nothing else, this war has made abundantly clear that
that the current situation between Israel and Palestine is not sustainable.
Unless each party recognizes the need for continued diplomacy, these violent
encounters will continue to recur every few years. However, it seems that
negotiations to end the fighting in Gaza have little chance of success.
In light of this, many propositions have been made regarding
how to succeed in the negotiations. These suggestions range from temporarily
internationalizing Gaza governance to persuading Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu to declare that Israel’s settlement policy be made
consistent with its two-state policy. Commentators include the suggestion that
the PA renounce it’s pursuit of ICC jurisdiction in exchange for Israeli
concessions.
Since August 5, when ICC Fatou Bensouda Prosecutor met with
Palestine Foreign Affairs Minister Riad al-Malki to discuss the different
ways a state may accept the jurisdiction of the ICC, whether or not the PA will
pursue ICC jurisdiction has remained unclear, but become more likely. Because
the United Nation General Assembly recently granted Palestine a new status as a
‘non-member observer state,’ Palestine is very likely to obtain ICC
jurisdiction if it ratifies the Court’s Rome Statute. Therefore, the sole
determining factor would be whether the Authority will view this as a useful
move.
Some have argued that Palestinian authorities would not
pursue this route because the Court’s statute requires it to investigate an
entire situation in a conflict, not merely the actions of one party. In other
words, the ICC could investigate Israeli actions, but it could also open an
investigation into Palestinian actions, potentially resulting in a conviction
for war crimes on either, both or neither sides. Consequently, it remains
unclear whether it would be in the best interests of the Authority to pursue
ICC jurisdiction. What remains a concern, however, are the impacts that such an
exchange could have on the International Criminal Court.
The conflict between accomplishing peace and achieving
justice is an inherent complication of the functions of the Court. However, using
the Court as a concession in peace negotiations is an evident lean towards the
former, while the Court clearly was intended and has established itself as a
means of accomplishing the latter. While this proposed bargain might contribute
to a temporary peace in the Israeli-Palestinian region, the consequences of
such a concession should be weighed against the alternative: a preliminary
investigation into whether or not war crimes and crimes against humanity have
been committed, and if so, by whom. The Court’s stated purpose is to end
impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the
international community, and if war crimes have been committed during the
conflict in the Israeli-Palestinian region, then making the Court a pawn in negotiations most certainly hinders
such action. Treating the Court this way could also degrade its international
standing and its viability.
To complete this brief review of this aspect of the ICC and
the Israel and Palestine situation, it is worth noting that the most recent
conflict with Gaza is the not the only event which might make Israel subject to
a criminal investigation by the Court. In May 2010, six ships of the ‘Gaza
Freedom Flotilla’ were boarded and taken over by Israeli Defense Forces in international
waters in the Mediterranean Sea. The flotilla, which was organized by the Free
Gaza Movement and the Turkish Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and
Humanitarian Relief, was carrying humanitarian aid and construction materials.
It intended to break the Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip.
As a result of the take-over operation, nine passengers lost
their lives and many were injured. One of the vessels boarded by the IDF, the MV
Mavi Marmara vessel, was sailing under the flag of the Comoros Islands, which
is a State Party to the International Criminal Court. These combined
circumstances create a situation that potentially could fall under the jurisdiction
of the Court. In May 2013, the Government of the Union of Comoros referred the
case to the ICC through an Istanbul-based law firm, urging Prosecutor Bensouda to
investigate the incident. While it is unlikely that a prosecution will ensue
from this incident, it remains on the Prosecutor’s list of preliminary
examinations.
AMICC will continue to track this new element of the
possibilities of the ICC as a bargaining chip in the interactions between
Israel, Palestine and the Court. We will continue to assess its potential impact
on the viability of the Court, and its effect on the Prosecutor’s handling of
the question of Israel and Palestine.
Written by Jessica Levy
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